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Friday, October 18,
2002
| Priye S. Torulagha (Ph.D., MHR)
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Political
Consolidation and Empowerment: What the Ijaws Should
Do?
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It
appears that many Ijaws felt surprised and
puzzled by the revelation that various Ijaw political organizations including
the Ijaw National Congress (INC), Ijaw Youth Council (IJC), and the Egbesu Boys
have been blacklisted as "terrorist" organizations by an American-based
Federation of American Scientists (FAS) (Laolu, 2002, August 29). Many are
further disturbed by the fact that Western countries have been using such a list
to prevent Ijaw political activists from traveling to the US and other European
countries to participate in conferences and political gatherings. Mr. Oronto
Douglas had a humiliating experience in Holland while traveling to Italy for an
international conference.
The bewilderment over the characterization
of Ijaw groups as "terrorist" organizations simply reinforces the view this
writer had expressed before about the fact that many Ijaws and members of other
ethnic groups in the Niger Delta are not aware of the strategic importance of
the Niger Delta. It should be very clear to all Ijaws and the other ethnic
groups in the Niger Delta that the region is one of the most strategically
significant piece of real estate in the world as far as oil politics is
concerned. It is not surprising that of the multitude of Nigerian political
and militant groups, the FAS only listed the Yoruba and Ijaw groups. Going by
the FAS listing, it can be inferred that the big international players consider
the Yoruba and the Ijaw groups to be the greatest threat to their control of
Nigeria, hence, the blacklisting.
Being a very strategic region, the
Niger Delta continues to suffer from both external and internal colonialism.
Colonialism "is the process by which one nation controls the political and
economic activities of another, less developed and less powerful society." Put
it another way, Ijawland continues to suffer from colonialism perpetrated by
international, national and internal actors. The consequence being that the
Ijaws are victims of colonization complex, as described by Robert Blauner
(1969). Colonization complex has both external and internal characteristics.
External characteristics include the following:
"(1) forced entry into a
territory and its population,
(2) alteration or destruction of the
indigenous culture and patterns of social organization,
(3) domination of the
indigenous population by representatives of the invading society and (4)
justification of such activities with highly prejudicial, racist beliefs and
stereotypes"
Internal colonization characteristics
include the following: "(1) the need for cheap labor to increase profit and (2)
the desire to take and control land."
The entire Nigeria was
colonized and the four external characteristics took place. On independence, a
large portion of Nigeria no longer suffers from the external complex, even
though conditions # 1, 2, and 3 remain. For instance, Nigerians are not allowed
to determine their political fate through a national conference and Islam and
Christianity were instituted through compulsory reprogramming and reeducation,
Nigeria continues to base its entire governmental system on a cultural system
that is contradictory to the traditional African cultures.
The story is
much different for the Niger Delta, particularly Ijawland, where both the
external and internal forms of colonialism continues unabated. Since oil is
located in the region, the home countries of the oil companies, the oil
companies and Nigerian leaders pretty much treat the region as a colonial
possession. In Ijawland, conditions #1, 2, 3, and 4 are still very prevalent.
(a) The Ijaws were forcefully incorporated into Nigeria. (b) They are
balkanized and rendered politically impotent through scattering. (c)
Systematic efforts have been made to destroy the traditional political and
religious cultures through cultivation of corrupt leadership. (d) The Niger
Delta, particularly Ijawland, has always been viewed stereotypically as a
"wasteland", hence, the utter neglect by successive Nigerian regimes. There are
still many Nigerians who believe that developing the Niger Delta is simply a
waste of money. The top management of the multinational oil corporations have a
racist view of the Niger Delta, consequently, have no regard whatsoever for the
people. They reasoned: "if their own leaders are willing to sell them out to
the highest bidder, that is their business."
Ijawland also suffers from
internal colonialism in the sense that the oil corporations, and Nigeria view
the Niger Delta as an area intended for economic exploitation, no more no
less. This is why they do not care about the plight of the indigents. They do
not mind about destroying and polluting the environment. They do not care
whether the indigents have jobs or not. Their primary interest is oil. Even
though the Niger Delta is critical to the Nigerian economy, Nigeria's leaders
and high-level government officials have never visited the region, particularly
Ijawland. Yet, they make decisions that affect Ijawland. As a result, it is
not surprising that retired Maj. General Ike Nwachukwu was utterly amazed and
concerned by the total lack of development when he visited Odoni for the funeral
of the Late Maj. General Charles Nidomu (Oborokumo, 2002 October 16). Since
their primary interest is oil, Nigerian rulers have tended to make sure that
the region, particularly Ijawland, is ruled by easily corruptible individuals
who do not mind sacrificing the interests of their people for their personal
gains. Thus, Ijawland tends to end up with leaders who serve as stooges to the
big national players. Without oil, no Nigerian leader would have paid any
attention to the Niger Delta. In reaction to the recent decision by the
International Court of Justice, ceding Bakassi to the Cameroon Republic, one
Etubom Bassey Ekpo Bassey commented "Until recently when oil was found in
commercial quantity in the area, the federal government had scant interest in
the area. From here, we complained that our people were being molested and
killed in Bakassi but to no avail."
The Ijaws are also subjected to
conditions generated by the "Split-Labor Market Theory." Under this theory,
emphasis on competition between ethnic and intra-ethnic groups for resources
leads to the struggle for power and the mobilization of power. For example, the
oil companies have always tended to hire oil company workers from nonIjaw and
non Niger Delta regions of Nigeria. This is intended to perpetuate
powerlessness among the Niger Delta ethnic groups. Likewise, the oil companies
use divide and conquer tactics to reward various communities financially,
thereby, forcing them to compete unnecessarily for money allocated as
compensation for the destruction of farmlands and fishing waters through
environmental pollution. The various communities then compete vigorously in the
hope of getting the largest chunk of the monetary compensation. Thus, many
interethnic and intraethnic clashes are caused by the Split-Labor Market Theory
tactics.
This being the case, the Ijaws and the other ethnic groups must
become fully aware of the international implications of oil politics. They must
educate themselves about the facts and become sophisticated participants in the
art of politics at the internal, national, and international levels. To attain
this feat, the Ijaws must discipline themselves, forego short-term objectives,
and pursue a five-pronged strategic goals. The goals are: (1) international
recognition, (2) national involvement, (3) regional cooperation, (4) internal
cohesion and consolidation, and (5) leadership recruitment and
enhancement.
1.International Recognition
(A). Under international
recognition, the Ijaws must work very hard to publicize the plight of the
peoples of the Niger Delta. This requires attending, participating, and
organizing major international conferences involving intergovernmental
organizations (IGOs) and nongovernmental organizations NGOs). Making contacts
with the major news, human rights, and environmental organizations, especially
in the home countries of the multinational oil companies (the US, Britain,
France, Italy, Holland etc.) The purpose is to educate the politicians and the
citizens of these countries about the unbearable conditions imposed on the Niger
Delta by the various major players.
(B). The Ijaws need to form an
international politico/legal team whose responsibility will be to study, record
, publicize, and activate legal action against oil corporations and any actor
that violates the rights of the Ijaws. To accomplish this objective, it is
significant to establish legal teams in the home countries of the oil
corporations. Such teams would be set up by Ijaws and their friends who already
live in those countries. For instance, the Ijaws living in the US would/should
set up a legal team or unit and those in Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain,
Holland etc. would do the same. Whenever a legal issue arises, the legal team
in a designated country will take up the matter and pursue the case under the
legal jurisdiction of the country.
A legal team does not have to entail
scores of people. It could be made up of two or three professional lawyers
working as a team with political and human rights advocates to pursue a matter.
For instance, since the Ijaw National Congress already has a branch in the US,
the INCUSA could call upon three or four Ijaws who lives in the US and are
trained in law, politics, economics, petroleum and the environment to explore
or pursue a particular case. After an exploratory studies, if there is any
substance to the matter, a legal action could be taken in the US courts. In
this regard, when an oil company overreacts by destroying or killing people or
work with the Nigerian security forces as they did in Egi, Choba, Iriyan Opia,
Ikebri/Olugbobiri, Forcados, Liliama, Warri, etc. the team here would file
criminal and civil cases against the oil company. If Elf is involved, the case
would be filed by a legal team based in France. Felix Tuodolo made an excellent
descriptive scenario for taking a legal action when he described the killings at
Tebidaba
-"AGIP's community project causes flooding
of community.
-Community petitionsBayelsa state government
-AGIP renegades
on MOU with community
-AGIP beefs up military presence at the flow
station
-Youths protest to AGIP's Tebidaba flow station
-Soldiers massacre
the protesting youths
-5 confirmed death and 3 still missing" (Tuodolo,
2002, October 17).
The next step should be to sue AGIP in
Nigeria. If the federal government intervenes to stop the case, then the case
would be taken to Italy and filed because it is the home base of AGIP. At the
same time, a strong protest should be launched at the United Nations.
In
the US, it is quite possible for nonAmericans to file cases in the US courts
over matters involving human rights and corruption. The Alien Tort Claims Act
of 1789 empowers US courts to hear cases involving crimes committed overseas.
It also allows nonAmericans to sue in US courts. Already, the Native Americans
of Ecuador, a Paraguayan woman, and Myanmarian (Burmese) citizens have used the
law to take legal actions against American oil companies and those that violate
human rights. Another important American law is The Racketeer Influenced and
Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO). It can be used to file charges against
criminal organizations, those that have engaged in bribery, and embezzlers.
This law can be used to charge any embezzler as well as the oil companies, if
there is enough evidence The Ogonis have already made use of these laws to
advance the course of the Niger Delta (Lobe, 2002,March 6). The Ijaws can sue
the FAS for defamation of character and thereby force it to explain how it
compiles its "terrorist" list. On the matter of legal rights, the Ijaws can
join forces with the other ethnic groups in the region to compel the oil
companies to behave responsibly through the application of all available
national and international laws.
C). The Ijaws need a highly respected
and easily recognizable face to serve as the human face of the political
struggle. The late Chief Ken-Saro-Wiwa was an effective spokesperson for the
Ogoni people and the Niger Delta . The Ijaws need an overall leader who will be
able to create impact nationally and internationally. So far, the Ijaws have
many leaders and no easily recognizable international figure to bring
respectability to the struggle.
(D). The various Ijaw groups should
form alliances with like-minded international organizations in the home
countries of the multinational corporations. This means that the Ijaw and the
Niger Delta environmental groups should communicate and work with like-minded
organizations in the US, Britain, France, Germany, Italy etc. Of course, this
is already taking place, hence, Oronta Douglas and others have been able to
travel overseas to participate in conferences and demonstrations.
(F).
Articles, photos, and documentaries featuring the Niger Delta situation must be
constantly written, produced, and published in magazines, newspapers, and
websites. This is to publicize the matter and help to create an international
understanding.
(G). The Ijaws and the other ethnic groups in the Niger
Delta must watch the Middle Eastern and Venezuelan politico-military situations
with a very keen interest. Whatever happens in the Middle East and possibly
Venezuela would most probably affect the Niger Delta. The reason being that as
the Middle East boils politically and militarily, the oil consuming nations and
the home countries of the oil corporations are putting a tremendous pressure on
Nigeria and the other oil-producing African countries to increase oil
production. The oil-consuming nations are looking for alternative oil supplies
in the event of a major military conflict in the Middle East. On the other
hand, Venezuela, an oil-producing nation, is quite unstable due to a scramble
for power among various sectors of the society. A sudden change of government
could lead to instability, and thereby increase further the need for Nigeria to
produce more oil. If Nigeria agrees to increase its oil production, the Niger
Delta would be further polluted and damaged environmentally. Apart from
pollution, corruption and violence would increase as national and international
actors or players patrol the region with bags of money to grease the palms of
any local politician or leader who is willing to sell his peoples overall
interest for personal gains.
Likewise, an international pressure on
Nigeria to produce more oil could embolden Nigerian leaders to take very
repressive measures against protests in the Niger Delta. It should be recalled
that since the discovery of oil in Sudan, the Sudanese government has
increasingly adopted repressive military tactics in an effort to drive away the
indigents of the oil region. Thus, many indigents of the oil-producing areas of
Sudan have abandoned their villages and ran to the mountains to avoid being
captured and or killed. Meanwhile, international criticism of Sudan is becoming
less stringent since the oil-consuming nations are waiting eagerly for Sudanese
oil to flow into their depots. The exception is the US which is trying to
impose sanctions against Sudan.
2. National
Goal
(A). The Ijaws must play active role in Nigerian politics.
This means the ability to influence political outcomes in Nigeria. How can this
be achieved, considering the fact that the Ijaws have been marginalized for
quite some time? The simplest way to transform a marginalized group into an
active group is to concentrate political assets. In this case, the Ijaws need
to speak with one voice and adopt a political position, saying that if any major
political party and or candidate needs the Ijaw vote, the person or party must
do the following: (spell out want the Ijaws want and let the national
politicians decide whether they want the Ijaw vote or not.). Through this,
friends can be differentiated from foes and appropriate political strategies
designed to relate to each. In an article (Obasanjo Reveals Northern Agenda on
Power Shift) posted on Ijawnation@yahoogroups.com President Olusegun Obasanjo is
reported to have revealed the Northern agenda which included the Northern
control of the Ministries of Petroleum, Finance, and Defense. Presidential
candidates were(are) expected to sign documents supporting or agreeing to the
Northern terms. The SouthEast region is now concentrating its political
resources as the region campaigns to have someone from the region become the
next president. This is good politics in the sense that each zone is making
efforts to markets its political goals and then allow potential presidential
candidates, voters, and political zones to either subscribe to the goals or
reject them. So far, the scorecard for consolidating political resources is not
very encouraging in Ijawland, hence, the Ogbe-Ijaw situation vis-ŕ-vis Warri
remains unresolved. After the tumultuous interethnic conflicts between the
Ijaws, Itsekiris,and and the Urhobos, one would have expected the federal
government to negotiate ethnic representation in Warri so that the three ethnic
groups are equally represented. This is not the case, meaning that theIjaws
have not pursued the issue in a collective manner. The Ogbe-Ijaw situation can
only be resolved when the Ijaws form a united front and negotiate with the
federal government to redress the problem.
(B). Ijaw politicians who
want to play big time politics must know how to relate to national politicians
from other ethnic groups and states without becoming subservient to them. If
any Ijaw wants to run for the presidency, the person should declare the
intention confidently, even if the chance of victory is very slim. Then go out
and negotiate to gain support from other groups, parties and candidates.
Regardless of the circumstances, do not undercut your home base by promising
deals that would be contrary to the political interests of your people. It
should be noted that Nigerian politics is increasingly pluralistic (groups
interacting and competing for power) as various groups compete.
C). The
Ijaw National Congress (INC), the Ijaw Youth Council (IYC), the Bayelsa Forum,
the Environmental Rights Action, the Ijaw Council for Human Rights (ICHR), the
Bayelsa Youths Federation (BAYOF) etc. should play a greater role in the
appointment of Ijaw citizens to federal or national positions. For example,
when the federal government wants people to serve as either ministers or
commissioners or directors, the list of candidates should be prepared by a
nongovernmental body so that only citizens who are committed to serving the
people are appointed to federal positions. So far, it has been very
disappointing that Ijaw citizens appointed to federal positions have been very
dormant and almost irrelevant to the people. They seem to be mere observers
rather than participants. Due to their irrelevance in the scheme of national
politics, the federal government and the oil companies are able to constantly
violate the rights of the people with impunity.
(D). Likewise, only
those who are willing to serve the people fearlessly must be appointed
governors. Events in Bayelsa, Rivers, and Delta, have clearly shown the
significance of electing governors who are bold, energetic, competent, and
committed to the people. The situation in Bayelsa in Bayelsa is not encouraging
since political responsibility and financial accountability are not given due
consideration. This is why the federal security forces and the oil companies are
able to intervene with strong-arm tactics without any Bayelsan high-level
political figure vigorously protesting against the harsh treatment of the
citizens. Of course, Nigeria has a legal right to intervene in any part of the
country, but the oil companies do not have a right to act like states within a
state. Consequently, a state like Bayelsa should protest very seriously when
security forces belonging to an oil company kill any citizen of the state.
After all, it is the responsibility of the state to protect the citizens.
Likewise, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross Rivers, Delta, Edo, Imo, Abia, Ondo, and
Rivers States should be able to protest very loudly when there is an oil spill
so that environmental clean up can take place. Quite often, these states
remain quiet and behave as if they are unaware of the seriousness of the
environmental problems, thereby, forcing the citizens to take
action.
3. Regional
Cooperation
Regional cooperation is absolutely necessary if the
Niger Delta is to achieve resource control and turn politico-economic
marginalization around. The Ijaws alone cannot achieve all their goals without
the region coming together as one. This means that the Niger Delta, otherwise
known as the South/South should form an indivisible political bloc that would
compete vigorously in national politics. Thus, instead of each group clamoring
for national power, the region will do better if it works as a bloc. It should
be noted that despite the ethnic, cultural, and religious differences in the
North, the North has been able to dominate Nigerian politics as various ethnic
groups join forces to achieve regional strategic goals. The recent revelation
about a Northern political agenda to control the Ministries of Defense, Finance,
and Petroleum clearly shows the significance of consolidating political
resources as a bloc (posted on Ijanwnation@yahoogroups.com on September
29,2002).
(A). Ijaw leaders must be in frequent consultation with other
ethnic leaders so that misunderstanding, misinformation, and any form of discord
can be eradicated. It should be noted that the Niger Delta contains the BLACK
GOLD which is sought by outside powers. The oil companies and the federal
government would want disunity among the Niger Delta ethnic groups. Such
conflicts provide opportunity for destabilization and control. Destabilization
is an important tool for political, economic, religious, and military
conquests. Powerful nations and leaders always rely on it to advance their
goals.
Through destabilization, the Belgians, British, French, Germans,
Portuguese, and the Spaniards were able to colonize the second largest continent
in the world with meager military forces. A political science professor at the
University of Oklahoma once wondered in amazement how small European forces were
able to conquer the entire African continent. They did it with determination
and destabilization. They set leaders, ethnic groups, and sub-ethnic groups
against each other by formenting discord, supporting one side against the other
and then crushing all of them one by one. During the Cold War (the ideological
war between the US and USSR), the two powers fought the war in other peoples
backyard without attacking each other directly, destabilization was the primary
tool.
(B). To avoid destabilization, the Ijaws must work with the other
ethnic groups to solve territorial and political problems without fighting each
other. In this regard, efforts must be made to solve the Okirika/Ogoni, the
Ogoni/Andoni, the Itsekiri/Urhobo, the Ijaw/Uhrobo, the Ijaw/Itsekiri, the
Ijaw/Ilaje etc conflicts. It is not politically advantageous for two
communities which share a territory in the region to fight each other. When
such neighbors fight, they create opportunities for the oil companies and the
federal government to sow further discord by arming, misleading, and encouraging
violence. Military victory in territorial wars only increases mistrust and
unnecessary tension as both sides prepare for the next battle.
It was
very heartening when about 3,000 Ijaw, Ilaje, and Itsekiri women joined forces
and peacefully demonstrated on oil facilities belonging to Shell and
Chevron-Texaco in Warri on August 9, 2002 (Okpowo & Adebayo).
Unfortunately, the security forces overreacted and one of the amazons died as a
result of injuries sustained. The women demonstrated that an interethnic and
intra-regional solidarity could be built.
(C). Since the women have set
the pace, leaders of various ethnic groups need to be in constant contact.
Strategies should be shared when necessary so that a collective security system
can be established in the region. This means that before any ethnic group
decides to take any action, it should inform the other groups so that all of
them can mobilize to reinforce, if necessary. The exception to this cooperative
effort would be in circumstances in which one group seems to be overly friendly
or cozy with the federal government or the oil companies. The oil companies
and the federal government would be more cautious knowing full well that the
regional reaction would be massive. Less is achieved when each group acts
alone. In the past, the pattern has been for each community to launch a
protest or conduct demonstrations against an oil company without contacting
other communities to reinforce solidarity. This haphazard approach enabled the
oil companies and the Nigerian security forces to attack the communities.
(D). The SouthSouth should establish an Interethnic Regional Commission
to investigate, negotiate, and resolve misunderstandings among Niger Delta
groups. If an ethnic group feels offended or threaten, it should report to the
commission which would immediately investigate and resolve the issue before it
boils over and becomes a source of war. The South-South Peoples Conference
(SSPP), the Bendel Consultative Council (BCC) and other regionally based
political groupings must work very cooperatively to achieve the goals of the
region. Chief Edwin Clark put it quite appropriately, "the South-South zone has
to work with other zones, be it Hausa, Yoruba or Igbos in its 2003 presidential
quest, which is nonnegotiable" (Amaize, 2002, July 1st).
4. Internal cohesion and Consolidation
The achievement
of the above stated three goals will depend greatly on the success of internal
cohesion. In other words, it is fruitless to attempt to build national,
regional, and international goals without first putting one's house in order.
It is not an overstatement to say that Ijawland is facing a serious crisis
today. There is lack of unity among the multiple parts. Many politicians and
high government officials in Ijawland do not understand the implications of
their short-sighted "I do-not-care attitude". As a result, they are poisoning
the political stability of the entire ethnic group by formenting, instigating,
and sowing the seeds of disunity in a brazen attempt to remain in power
forever. In the process, they seem to be aligning themselves with outside
elements whose goals are to destabilize Ijawland, in particular, and the Niger
Delta in general. There is a great concern that the 2003 elections might
result in a bloody confrontation between political incumbents and challengers in
Bayelsa State.
In a biblical proportion, the political situation in
Ijawland is characterized by individuals fighting against individuals, families
fighting against families, quarters fighting against quarters, villages fighting
against villages, towns fighting against towns and clans fighting against
clans. The people of Peremabiri set upon each other and rendered their town
unlivable. The Ke and Gbile had a brutal war because of territory and oil
money. In May, 2002, it was rumoured that some Koluama youths joined forces
with Kalabari youths to attack Okirika youths or carry out some deal. In the
confrontation, nine Koluama youths were reported killed.
In almost
every clan and in every town, there is tension between local government
leaders and those who are infuriated by the lack of developmental projects.
For example, at Odi, of all places, the only tarred road stops around the
junction between Isounbiri and Ubaka. The rest of the road remains untarred.
The people complain bitterly, yet, no one seems to pay attention. It is easy to
assume that after the people of Odi had gone through so much pain, the
political authorities would be a little more sensitive, patriotic and
humanitarian. Political leaders do not even talk about reconstruction or
compensation for the destruction of Odi anymore. In Nembe, a struggle for
political power led to a fierce battle in which about 30 people were killed.
Throughout Ijawland, many politicians who are in power openly show off their
loots by building gorgeous mansions that dwarf the rest of the buildings in
their towns and villages. In every town and in every clan, it is quite easy to
pinpoint who is in power by simply examining the houses.
Borrowing from
the honorable Chief Chinua Achebe, Ijawland is falling apart because time after
time, those who fight and sacrifice their lives and time in order to free
Ijawland from the clutches of economic and political oppression always end up
being ruled by people who do not care about what happens to the people. It
can therefore be said that in Ijawland, "monkey dey work and baboon dey chop."
The dedicated have never been allowed to serve. The question is: why is it that
"monkey always dey work and baboon always dey chop"? Translated, why is it that
those who dedicate themselves to fight for the freedom of the people are always
deprived from ruling? This is where the strategic factor comes in. Apart from
the psychological need to satisfy the self through greed, there is a greater
force at play in the Niger Delta. Due to its significance, there are a host of
outside players who want the region to remain "controllable by others" so that
oil will continue to flow. As stated before in an article titled Are
multinational corporations a blessing or a curse, Multinational Corporations
(MNCs) prefer a politically corrupt environment to the one without corruption.
In an environment that is not corrupted, the MNCs would have to do business by
adhering to all the stipulated business laws of the countries in which they
operate. Compliance with such laws are considered too expensive for business.
On the other hand, a corrupted environment provides easy access to resources and
other advantages. The MNCs simply ignore the laws by paying off officials who
then look the other way and allow the MNCs to do business anyway they see fit.
In Nigeria, the multinational oil corporations have a free hand to do as they
wish since political leaders are primarily interested in accumulating wealth
through oil.
Surprisingly, it appears that the home countries of the
Multinational Corporations MNCs) also prefer politically corrupted environments
so that they can penetrate the circles of power through the back door and
exploit the resources. Evidently, the home countries and the MNCs always work
together to achieve their strategic goals. It is not surprising that the home
countries of Shell, Agip, Chevron-Texaco, Elf etc. have not made any effort to
stop human rights abuses and economic marginalization in the Niger Delta.
Likewise, these countries have not put pressure on the oil companies to change
their dehumanizing and destructive ways. They have also looked the other way and
allow Nigerian authorities to continue to oppress and abuse the economic,
political, and human rights of the peoples of the Niger Delta.
It is very
easy for a critic to dismiss the above observation and commentary as baseless.
Nonetheless, the fact that Ijawland always tend to end up with political rulers
who are less committed to the people calls for a profound analysis of the
process of leadership selection. Moreover, the issue of outside conspiracy
cannot be taken lightly, considering the fact that some Igbos and Yorubas also
feel that something is not right in their polity. For instance, Governor
Chinwoke Mbadinuju of Anambra State, Mr. Julius Ali Ucha (a speaker of the
Ebonyi State House of Assembly) and a host of Igbo leaders theorized that the
South Eastern states began to experience sever political instability after a son
of the region arrived from Abuja to stir trouble. According to Mr. Ucha, "Our
problem began with the coming on the scene of Abuja politicians, who claimed to
have obtained a Presidential mandate to remove the governors in the
South-East."(Aliyu,September 18, 2002; Daily Times, September 18.2002). The
implication is that the South-East is being interfered with by outside political
players. Likewise, Evangelist Kunle Adesokan, the Secretary General of Oodua
Peoples Congress (OPC) stated "That what has been happening in the SouthWest had
been the work of outsiders, a grand design to push the OPC out of existence so
as to pave the way for the perpetration of the northern agenda." (Adesokan,
2002, August 30).
If political leaders from two of the largest ethnic
groups in Nigeria believe that political instability and subterfuge are being
perpetrated by outside forces, then can anyone doubt the fact that the Niger
Delta is not being penetrated by both international and national elements who
want the oil to continue to flow undisturbed. Can anyone doubt the fact that
Ijawland is being twisted and corrupted by outside elements that want to make
sure that the oil continues to flow regardless of the circumstances? This
accounts for the perpetual "monkey dey work and baboon dey chop" syndrome that
afflicts Ijawland and thereby makes it a colonial possession of others strategic
designs.
Regardless of whether a conspiracy exist or not, the following
might help to reduce the influence of outsiders and thereby enable the Ijaws to
achieve internal cohesion which is necessary to accomplish the other
goals.
(A). Ijaw groups should embark on ceaseless educational campaigns
to reorientate Ijaws about their connectedness. Quite often, in Ijawland, due
to the extensive availability of territorial space, expansive riverine
topography, and a self-reliant economy, the Ijaws tend to view their villages,
towns, and clans as independent nation-states, unconnected to their other
brothers and sisters. The citizens of Abonnema tend to view their town as if it
is a nation-state unconnected to the other Kalabari towns and villages. The
people of Odi generally refer to their town as a nation (Odi ibe) and Kaiama
citizens also feel similarly, even though both are Kolokuma. Within Odi, there
is a psychological separation between the Asanga and the Tamuanga. Nembe
continues to be divided by Bassambiri and Ogbolomabiri instead of just Nembe.
Okirika Town does not necessarily see the need to regard Ogu Town as part of
Okirika. Since Okpoma, Iwoama, and Twon (Brass) are connected through a major
land bridge and they are all Nembe, one would expect them to form a united
federation of a Nembe community, but that is not the case. Okoloba and
Sabagreia are connected but each side continues to regard itself as separate
from the other. Ogbia is easily thrown into leadership struggles among various
communities. Whether one travels to Lobia or Okirika or Akassa or Ukubie or
Koluama or Patani or Akugbene or Bumodi, (both east and west) or Burutu or
Bonny or Andonni or Agbere or Trofani or Buguma or Zion, the feeling is that one
is traveling from one city-state or clan-state to another. The Kalabari,
Okirika, and the Bonny (Okloba or Ibani) clans have been in a state of perpetual
war (both hot and cold) for almost hundred years. Thus, if an outside force
were to come into that vicinity, the force would be able to conquer the three
by playing one against the other. In Ekpetiama clan, the struggle for
traditional leadership has been a source of hatred, jealousy, and distrust among
two or three of the major towns in the clan..
Therefore, each
town or village reacts to political threats as if it is a nation-state fighting
for its sovereignity, instead of aligning with the other towns and villages to
achieve greater political and economic results. Ijaw towns and villages
basically react to the oil companies and the Nigerian security forces by acting
independently, instead of marshalling support from each other. The result is
that very little is achieved since the oil companies are not frightened by such
miniscule efforts. Moreover, the independent attitude tactically serves the
interests of the national and international forces since it provides opportunity
for them to turn one community against the other through bribery,
disinformation, and instigation.
An educational campaign intended to
educate various communities about the need to seek support from other Ijaw
communities and nongovernmental groups before picketing or demonstrating or
threatening an oil company will yield a better result. Moreover, it will stop
Nigerian security forces and the oil companies from killing people
unnecessarily. When an oil spill occurs in a community, it should contact the
Ijaw National Congress, the Ijaw Youth Council and other human rights and
environmental groups within the ethnic group before confronting the oil
company. This is to avoid the kinds of killings that took place in Ikebiri,
Liama, and many Ijaw towns and villages. In this regard, Sgt. Wenipre of the
Supreme Egbesu Assembly and Felix Tuodolo of the Ijaw Youth Council should be
congratulated for traveling around Ijawland to brief community leaders and
traditional rulers about what is going on in the ethnic group.
(B).
There is time for everything. Militancy was very appropriate in the 1980s,
1990s and early 2000, but it nolonger seems an appropriate option at the present
moment. Consequently, Ijaw youths need to change tactics. Instead of an
unplanned or a spontaneous or a spur of the moment militant reaction or
counteraction to the slightest provocation or perceived threat, a calculated
political and legal responses intended to achieve the greatest tactical success
should be deployed. The Ijaw youths who occupied a Shell flow station near
Warri in the Delta State recently to protest against the iniquities of ward
creation (Ogwudu, 2002, September 24) seemed to recognize the need for tactical
change. In the past, the ward problem would have led to an interethnic clash
between the Ijaws and the Itsekiris. Instead, the youths decided to show their
frustration over the marginalization of Ogbe-Ijaws of Warri by occupying an oil
flowstation in an effort to communicate to the federal government the political
problem in Warri. Spontaneous militant reaction in an era of democratization
simply reinforces the stereotypical view that the Ijaws are "troublemakers" who
must be contained by force. Moreover, an uncoordinated spontaneous reaction
only yields meager results. It exposes innocent people to the wrath of the
Nigerian security forces who might overreact to punish the community for the
sins of the few, as had occurred at Odi. It should be noted that Nigeria's 83rd
Mechanized Army Division was created by President Olusegun Obasanjo on October
1st 2000 to protect the oilfields in the Niger Delta (Okoli, 2000, October 2).
Evidently, it is very easy for the Niger Delta to explode militarily like the
Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Angola, and the Ivory
Coast.
Instead of militant reaction, it is much preferable to properly
document whatever happens and then take political and legal actions. If any
oil company spills oil or destroys property through negligence or pollution, the
affected community should hold a meeting, develop strategies and contact
various Ijaw political, legal, human rights and legal organizations so that a
class action suit can be filed on behalf of the affected community. In such
cases, the Nigerian government would also be sued since it is responsible for
allowing the oil companies to do business in the area. If the oil companies and
the Nigerian authorities refuse to allow the legal action to proceed or threaten
the community for the effort, then the case can be taken overseas for further
action.
On the other hand, if an oil company decides to settle through
financial compensation, the affected individuals within the community should not
settle individually. Instead, they should negotiate as a group, backed by the
Ijaw organizations. This is to ensure that the oil companies do not apply
"divide and conquer" tactics to split the community by giving some people money
and not giving others money, thereby setting the community against itself.
Throughout the Niger Delta, the oil companies and Nigerian authorities have
always adopted this kind of tactics to instigate communal discord. It is much
preferable to establish a systematic procedure for receiving compensation so
that every segment of the affected population can benefit.
C). If any
public official or politician embezzles public money or money belonging to the
people, any individual or group having a substantive documentary evidence to
back the allegation should contact various political interest group so that a
legal action can be taken by the groups, rather than by an individual, to force
the embezzler to go to court and answer the charges. It is much safer for a
group to file charges instead of an individual. This is to reduce intimidation
and possible killing of potential witnesses. If the police and the courts are
too corrupt or ineffective, then mobilize the affected community to demand a
recall and the return of the embezzled money.
(D). Just as this is an
era of political and legal action, it is also an era of technological
communication. The internet has made it possible to communicate
instantaneously. The Ijaws must adopt a proactive approach in establishing an
effective communication system, using all the affordable means of interactive
communication technologies. When a political or an economic or an environmental
dispute takes place between any Ijaw group and an oil company or Nigeria, the
Ijaws should video-tape, document, and feed the information throughout the world
through internet. In particular, the home countries of the oil companies, the
United Nations, various human rights, and environmental groups would be informed
through articles, photos, and videos. In this regard, those who have
established various Ijaw websites should be congratulated. Likewise, the
response to the FAS blacklisting of various Ijaw political organizations was
very impressive. Everyone must be alert so that any critical information
concerning the ethnic group and the Niger Delta is easily digested and responded
to rationally in a focused manner.
(E). An annual cultural festival of
the arts needs to be organized to provide opportunities for all Ijaws to meet,
interact, and reenkindle the spirit of oneness. A cultural festival is an
important tool in accomplishing the following objectives: (a) political
cohesion, (b) cultural reawakening and the development of traditional skills,
(c) strategic awareness of world politics, (d) the launching of a trade fair,
(e) the boosting of the economy, and (f) improving interethnic relations.
(a) An annual cultural festival involving all Ijaw clans would bring
every one together. By so doing, the problem of territorial space and "we vs.
them" mentality will be reduced. Such a gathering would provide opportunity for
the leaders (both traditional and political) to mingle with the masses and
create familiarity. Potential political candidates can use such opportunity to
introduce themselves to the people by making speeches and spelling out their
intentions.
(b) A cultural festival will help to revive old cultural
traditions as people participate in various cultural activities including
dances, music, games, and drama. It should be noted that in many parts of
Ijawland today, various dances and music are disappearing fast. For instance,
the only common form of music and dance is now "Ewigiri" or "Wigiri" that was
popularized by the great Mr. Roberts. The other forms, including ngusei,
owusei, KB, Kpanlogo, omon aru, wrestling, adumu (odumu), highlife etc. have
disappeared or are disappearing very quickly. This means that the future
generation of Ijaws will not have much musical and dance traditions to play
with.
Likewise, local cultural festivals such as the Amassoma Fishing,
the Ekpetiama New Yam, the Odi Ogoru Ige and a host of cultural activities
throughout the land should be observed. Basically, if a particular clan or a
town has a major festival, the other towns and clans should endeavor to send
cultural troupes and participate. Likewise, if a traditional ruler were being
installed, the other Ijaw clans should send representatives to such a festivity.
Similar activities would be initiated if a traditional ruler were to pass away.
The festival would also be used to encourage the Ijaws to visit their
homeland more frequently. A large proportion of Ijaws grew up elsewhere and
have never experienced the traditional ways of life. Many do not know how to
swim or paddle a canoe. When Odi and other towns were attacked, the citizens
ran into the forest and elsewhere. They were able to survive because they are
quite familiar with the ways of surviving in the forest. People who grew up
exclusively in the cities might find it almost impossible to survive in the
forest if a conflict were to take place. In fact, Ted Koppel, the former anchor
person at the ABC television (US) Nightline stated in a special interview with
Larry King of CNN that most of the two million people who have died in the
ongoing Congolese civil war did so because they were city-dwellers who ran into
the forest to escape the wars. Since they were city-dwellers, they could not
cope living and surviving in the forest, hence, they succumbed to all kinds of
diseases and starvation. Ted Koppel's commentary on the bloody civil war in the
Congo reminded one of the Nigerian civil war where people had to ran into the
forest in Biafra and the surrounding environs to escape death as Nigerian troops
pounded the territory and the jetfighters prowled the skies.. This writer
remembers vividly when a Biafran helicopter dropped about 15 bombs in successive
bombing runs on Patani and forced the citizens and the Nigerian soldiers to ran
for their lives. Patani became a ghost town as people fled through the forest
to other Ijaw and Isoko communities or camped out in the forest for some
days.
In a strategic region such as the Niger Delta, the people must
equip themselves with the necessary tools to survive in case of any major
military crisis. After all, the Niger Delta is like Angola, the Congo Basin,
Liberia, Sierra leone, and Southern Sudan. These regions and or countries have
either oil or other critical minerals that every nation-state
wants.
There would be readings in various dialects, games, and dramatic
performances. The Rivers State Council for Arts & Culture (RSCAC) during
the reign of Chief Diete Spiff was actively involved in the revival of Rivers
State cultures. Thus, Bayelsa State should actively promote the cultural
traditions of Ijawland.
(c). During the cultural festival, workshops,
or conferences would be held where strategic matters and other intellectual
pursuits are discussed. For instance, discussion could focus on conflict
resolution techniques, democratic representation, economic development , and
political options to deal with national and international issues. Likewise,
those who have published new books or developed new theories or produced new
plays would display, publicize, and demonstrate their works. This writer vividly
remembers when Mr. Simon Ambakederimo published and launched his play "Isaac
Boro" at the Rivers State Cultural Center in Port Harcourt. Various
educational, cultural, political, human rights, and environmental organizations
too would publicize themselves and describe their activities to the populace.
This is to enrich the intellectual aspect of the ethnic group. The
representatives of the federal government and the oil companies would be invited
to make speeches and answer pertinent questions. This aspect of the festival
would be coordinated by the Ijaw Center for Strategic and Cultural Studies or
Affairs (a kind of an Ijaw think-tank).
(d) The festival would also
include a trade fair where new creative inventions, products, and services are
displayed so that people can know what is going in their communities. Here
again, companies would be called upon to set up booths to advertise, publicize,
and explain what they are doing in various communities in the Niger Delta.
Indigents who have opened new businesses can use the opportunity to advertise
themselves and encourage patronization of their products and
services.
(f).The festival would help to boost economic growth by
generating capital as people visit and spend money during the festival.
Bayelsa, Rivers, and Delta states can use such opportunity to locate and recruit
local talents for artistic, intellectual, and technological developments.
Workshops would be organized to educate people about how to establish small
businesses and obtain loans to finance economic activities.
(g) Other
ethnic groups and schools in the Niger Delta would be invited to attend as
invited guests. They could also present various activities if they choose to do
so.
5. Leadership Recruitment and
Enhancement
It is impossible to achieve the international,
national, regional, and internal cohesion and consolidation without a competent,
committed, and a people-centered leadership that is politically responsible and
financially accountable to the people. No plan or goal can succeed if there is
no able leadership capable of implementing it. In other words, the Ijaws must
work hard to eradicate the "monkey dey work and baboon dey chop" syndrome where
the less than deserving often end up becoming political leaders. Currently, many
people seem to be unhappy with the Bayelsan situation and would want a drastic
change so that the state can develop politically and economically.
As
stated before, strategically and tactically, the national and international
actors prefer a less patriotic and less competent political leadership in the
Niger Delta so that they can manipulate the politics in their favor. A very
competent and incorruptible leadership, on the other hand, would frustrate their
efforts to get oil very cheaply without paying the cost politically,
economically, and environmentally. This means that in the coming 2003
elections, many "Ghana Must Go" bags would find their way into the Niger Delta
through individuals, political parties, government officials and the oil
companies. The purpose would be to influence the electoral process so that
predetermined candidates are "anointed" to serve as political leaders, thereby,
frustrating the Ijaw effort toward political and economic
empowerment.
(A). To minimize national and international interference in
the selection of political leadership in Ijawland, the following actions might
help. Political organizations in Ijawland must come together to develop a "Plan
for Effective Leadership." The plan would serve as a process for selecting
political leaders. Basically, every politician who runs for office must go
through the process if the politician wants to become a public official in
Ijawland. The following steps might help to ensure some political
responsibility and financial accountability:
Step one: All candidates
for political office must declare their assets as soon as they have registered
to run for office. The record of such documentation would be made public so
that all Ijaws, whether in Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Delta, Edo, Ondo, and Rivers
States would read it. The information would be published in the daily
newspapers and in the internet websites.
Step Two: As soon as
registered, all candidates must sign a "Social Contract of Political
Responsibility and Financial Accountability". The contract will contain a
number of questions:
Social Contract of Political
Responsibility and Financial Accountability
1.
2. Why do I want to run for a political office?
3. I am
qualified to run for this office ( candidate must attach or show evidence)
4.
I have not engaged in any activity in the past or now whose result have impacted
on the Ijaws negatively.
5. I have never misappropriated public funds for
personal gains.
6. I have not and I am not engaging in any political, legal,
financial, or secret activity intended to incite, threaten, and intimidate
people to vote or support me or a particular candidate or a political party,
against their will.
7. I agree to open all records of public
financial
activities (including contracts, payments, consultation fees,
benefits, all expenditures etc.) to any public group that is interested to
verify government expenditures.( This is a Sunshine or Open Book
requirement).
8. I agree and promise not to embezzle or misappropriate public
funds in any way imaginable.
9. I promise to carry out the duties and
responsibilities of public office according to the will of the people, as
expressed through a binding constitution.
10. I agree and promise that if I
am elected into a public office and fail to carry out the duties and
responsibilities of the office, the people have a right to vote me out of office
through an election, a referendum or a petition signed by a constitutionally
stipulated number of eligible voters.
11. I promise not to join any outside
political alliance or association whose purpose or intention is to thwart,
stifle, frustrate, block, prevent etc. the democratic rights and economic
aspirations of the people.
12. I agree to declare my assets if I win an
election into a public office or been appointed to serve as a public official
and when I leave public office.
13. I agree and promise to uphold the
law.
14. This is a Contract between the people and I.
Signed:_________________________________________________
Date:__________________________
The
Social Contract form will be filled by all political candidates and any
bureaucrat who has a responsibility to manage and dispense public money for
governmental purposes. Any public official ( elected or appointed) who fails to
comply with the constitutional process after having signed the Social Contract
would be impeached by the legislative arm of the state.
If the
legislature is very corrupt or easily influenced, then citizens shall take
action by filing criminal charges and class action suits to force the official
to account for every questionable activity. Likewise, nongovernmental
organizations (NGO) too can take legal action to force a public official to
explain or behave appropriately based on the constitution.
Step 3. The
newspapers, magazines, nongovernmental organizations, and the Ijaw-based
websites would publish the names of all political candidates and provide a
description of their past roles and activities, their present functions, and
their political agenda for the people, if elected. This is intended to educate
the public about the candidates and thereby increase their ability to make
better judgements about whom to vote for.
Step 4. All candidates vying
for political office must go through a debate process. At least, two debates
would be conducted for every political office ( senatorial, representative,
gubernatorial, local government chair etc.). The Ijaw nongovernmental
organizations would form a committee to coordinate the debates. Any political
candidate who refuses to participate in the debates would have to justify the
reasons publicly and the public would be informed about the candidates who did
not participate in the process.
Step 5. If the constitutionally
allowable process is thwarted or blocked from taking place, as had happened in
Bayelsa State after the bomb explosion in the State House of Assembly
(Oyadongha, S. (2001, June 12), then the citizens shall take legal action by
either filing criminal charges or institute class action suits to remedy the
situation. Likewise, citizens of Bayelsa and other states can also take legal
action to force public officials to forego private properties built with stolen
public money by declaring such properties to be public properties.
Step
6. If criminal charges, class action suits and injunctions do not result in
official accountability, then the citizens shall call upon the federal
government to enforce the law as mandated by the constitution. Of course, the
federal system is as corrupt, ineffective, uncaring, unreliable, and
unrepresentative as the state system. If the federal government fails to act or
is supportive of the corrupt elements, then the citizens would have a right to
take any action deemed necessary to correct the situation.
Step 7. All
office holders leaving or vacating their political and or administrative
positions must declare their assets. Likewise, they must also provide an
account of all public expenditures before handing over to new office holders.
This is intended to eliminate the habit of incumbents handing over empty
treasuries as the former military administrator of Bayelsa State was alleged to
have done.
Why go through such a laborious process? It is to show the
world that all constitutionally and legally permissible options have been
exhausted. This is a strategy designed to counteract the poisonous propaganda
that the Ijaws are merely "troublemakers" and "terrorists" who cannot rule
themselves but make trouble. There is already an impression that the Ijaws are
troublemakers, hence, the eagerness with which federal government officials, oil
company executives, and some members of the press are willing to paint any Ijaw
action as a militant protest. For example, when Shell workers attempted to
carry out surveying in Lobia without authorization from the community and their
properties were seized, Shell immediately publicized the matter as an hostage
taking and listed the names of its workers as hostages. Shell probably took the
action without verifying the facts in an attempt to incite the ethnic groups
from which those workers came from to fight against the Ijaws and also to
encourage the federal government to send security forces to teach Lobia a
lesson. Fortunately, the paramount ruler of Lobia, Chief Benson Korre
immediately countered the disinformation by explaining "We are not holding
anyone hostage. When the company's staff arrived the village and started
carrying out survey job for Shell without permission from the community, we
stopped their activities and confiscated their equipment as evidence of
trespass. The workers were allowed to go home" (Ikwunze, 2002. August
9).
(B). If the constitutional and legal processes are not capable of
deterring criminality and ensuring political responsibility and financial
accountability, the next step would be to apply traditional law enforcement
methods. It should be noted that until recently, the Ijaws did not rely
extensively upon the Nigerian Police Force (NPF) and the Nigerian legal system
to enforce the law in their societies. Instead, they have primarily relied on
the traditional religious moral legal system to enforce compliance.
Traditionally, whether in Kolokuma or Nembe or Ogbia or Ogboin, or Opokuma or
Kabo, or Gbaran, etc, when a person discovers that he/she has lost something
or has something stolen, the person would go to the chief of the town or village
and inform the political authority that something was missing. The town or
village crier would be summoned to publicize the information. The town crier
would broadcast very loudly that "so so and so has reported that his/her
property is missing and whoever is in possession of the property should return
it." After the public announcement, a three-day grace period is given for
whoever is in possession of the property to return it. During the three-day
period, families would question their sons and daughters about the missing or
stolen property, asking them to confess if they had stolen or taken the
property. After the expiration of the three-day period, the rightful owner of
the property is granted the right to go to the ancestral shrine and invoke the
ancestors to render justice.
Whether this is based on superstition or
not is not important. The most relevant thing is that due to this traditional
system, crime in Ijawland has always been very low compared to other parts of
Nigeria. One could even say that the lack of serious cases of armed robbery in
Ijawland is directly related to the traditional system which can be utilized to
deal with any culprit. Likewise, due to the spirituality of the culture, the
Ijaws tend to be very down-to-earth,unpretensious, and not fun of telling tall
tales or engage in self-exaggeration. Due to the sacredness of the process, it
cannot be manipulated like the secularized national legal system where the
police and the judges can be easily bought off by the richest and the most
powerful in society.
Where all else fails, the Ijaws must seek the
assistance of their traditional system to ensure accountability. For instance,
the ancestors can be invoked to ensure that no one embezzles public funds nor
causes internal destabilization. The Supreme Egbesu Assembly can be called
upon to coordinate the process.
Many would be shaken by this
suggestion, after decades of a colonizing educational system which has
persistently painted traditional African systems as "Ungodly", "barbaric", and
"uncivilized." The great Binaebi Benatari wrote marvelously on the history and
the sprirituality of Ijawland. His reference to the "drop from the sky"
matches the story that in the past, some Ijaw founding ancestors at Igbedi used
to "ascend to the sky" instead of being buried on the ground when they passed
away. Likewise, the "beni" (water) is associated with spiritual purity.
Likewise, the traditional Ijaw culture, like many African cultures, has a
religious system based on the concept of good and bad, just like in every major
religion. For instance, the Seigbein (meaning thethrowing away of bad thing
which is popularly known as the spiritual cleaning of the town of evil) is
normally carried out ritualistically. The Seigbein ritual is used to symbolize
a new beginning which is the Ijaw equivalent of a new year. Generally, after
the ritual, various masquerade dances are performed to celebrate the new
beginning. Likewise, in many Ijaw clans, when a person dies, the Oboba bi (the
asking of the ladder) ritual is performed. The ritual is performed to
determine whether the deceased was a good or a bad person. In other words, it
is a way of determining whether a deceased was a godly or a devilish or a
satanic person. Generally, people associated with evil are not buried in the
same cemetery as people with clean or godly character. This is the Ijaw
equivalent of the Christian and Islamic final judgements. Likewise, the
shaving of the head ritual is carried out as a way to clean away the blood of
those killed. There is a strong traditional belief that it is sinful to kill or
take the life of another. Therefore, when someone kills, he or she must
perform a spiritual cleansing ritual to remove the sin. When someone who had
performed the head shaving ritual dies, the Uzi ceremony is performed three
times, particularly in Kolokuma, before the person is buried.
Ijaw
traditional religion, like other African traditional religions, has
commandments. The commandments include: (1) There is one God (Tamarau, Woyingi
or Wingi, Ayeba, Tamuno etc. Other African groups also recognize one God, hence
the Efiks/Ibibio refer to God as Akwa Abasi (Great God), the Igbos refer to
him/her as either Chukwu or Chineke, the Yorubas as Oluwa. However, unlike
Christianity and Islam, Ijaw religion is not masculinized, hence, God is viewed
in both male and female terms. The Europeans are aware of the African believe in
one God, hence, King Leopold advised Belgian missionaries going to the Congo
"Your principal objective in our mission in the Congo is never to teach the
niggers to know God thus they know already. They speak and submit to a Mungu,
one Nzambi, one Nzakomba, and what else I don't know" (Quoted from an article
posted on Infonet@topica.com, 2001, June 28). (2)Thou shall not kill. (3)Thou
shall not steal. (4) Thou shall not lie. (5) Thou shall not commit adultery.
(6)Thou shall not engage in certain sexual practices. (7) Thou shall not engage
in sin (sorcery, evil etc.). (8)Thou shall be humble. (9) Thou shall be
respectful of elders. There are other commandments, depending on the religious
entity. In the traditional religion, God is so supreme to the extent that
human beings can only approach Him/Her through ancestral deities. This is
comparable to the Christians seeking God through Jesus Christ and the angels and
the Moslems seeking Allah through Prophet Mohammed and the angels.
Thus,
there are so many traditional ways to institute political responsibility and
financial accountability in Ijawland without having to resort to violence to
settle political and financial scores.
C). The Ijaw nongovernmental
organizations and community leaders should create a program to cultivate future
leaders. It is not a secret that in every Ijaw community, some youths show
leadership skills at a very young age. Such youths, starting from the secondary
(high) school, should be cultivated and or groomed with various activities
(scholarships, financial aids, organizational leadership positions, admissions
etc.) to prepare them for future selfless leadership. Mr. James Nnengi and his
Bayelsa Youths Federation should be congratulated for organizing the
"Political Awareness and Leadership Empowerment" workshop or a
conference(bayelsayouths@yahoo.com: A News Release). Mr. Nnengi's effort
reminded one of the Central Ijaw Students Union (CISU), the Okirika Prizoners
Social Club, and the Rivers State Youth Association which helped to mobilize
youths for leadership positions. It should be noted that many prominent Ijaws
today were members of CISU.. Thus, it is important for organizations to
organize workshops regularly in an effort to develop an effective leadership and
educate the people about leadership choices.
(D). A fund should be set
up to help the families of those who have fallen due to the struggle for
political and economic empowerment throughout Ijawland. Ordinarily, Bayelsa
State would have been at the forefront for setting up a program to assist the
families of those who have fallen, but the chaotic situation there precludes
such an effort. In this regard, the Ijaw Peoples Association (IPA) of Great
Britain and Ireland should be congratulated for conducting a memorial service in
honor of the dead in which Mr. Felix Tuodolo was invited to speak on December 1,
2001(Yahoo Mail 2001, December 1, 2001). A major fund can be set up through
donations to help the families of fallen comrades and boost the financial
capability of the INC, the IYC and the other critical ethnic-based
organizations.
(E). The Ijaws should avoid the ideologization of
issues. Ideologization often leads to the taking of extreme positions which
can be very dangerous in finding solutions to common problems. An ideological
approach tends to prevent a clear thinking, thereby leading to the adoption of
unreasonable and impracticable options. It also can lead to a simplistic view
of the world. An ideological orientation can also lead to hatred. As can be
seen, even from website commentaries, a line is being drawn between the
supporters of the governor and the haters of the governor. Both sides seem to
believe in the righteousness of their positions. This is very dangerous because
it does not allow for a middle ground solution. Bayelsa could be torn apart in
the coming elections. If Bayelsans are divided into supporters and haters of
the governor and the incumbent politicians, the camp that feels most threatened
can easily align with outside elements to instigate violence. The national and
international stakeholders are waiting like hungry vultures to support Ijaw
factionalism and turn the ethnic group into pieces of broken glasses.
One way to reduce extremism is to avoid personal attacks and
concentrate on analyzing why a particular person has performed or failed to
perform. If political leaders are not performing to expectations, then focus on
the failures by examining or pinpointing the failing programs or reasons,
instead of hating them. For example, in the 1970s, the Late Prof. Awojobi of
the University of Lagos analyzed Gen. Yakubu Gowon's record of achievement by
evaluating his programs without attacking the general in person. Ebiogbo Johnson
recently posted an article on internet titled "Bayelsa State: The Journey So
Far" which evaluated the achievement of Bayelsa State governor by examining
certain expectations, program, and policies. Other writers and critics too have
attempted to analyze without attacking the person. Personal attacks only
reinforces the need for counterattacks by those being attacked. A war of
acrimonious words can easily degenerate into a war of physical violence.
Resultantly, heed should be paid to all political concerns. Mr. Rowland Ekperi,
Blessom Oborokumo, Boston Edogi, Sabella Abidde, Titoe Miriki and others have
made good points that should be taken serious.
(F). The Bayelsans
should probably pay considerable attention to the idea of a rotational
governorship. To achieve this possibility, divide the state into gubernatorial
zones. Rotate the governorship among the zones so that every zone has a chance
of producing a governor. This is intended to reduce unnecessary rivalry,
democratize executive government, diffuse potential disaffection by those who
feel discriminated, minimize the advantage of incumbency, deter the building
and concentration of political power in one family or town, and reduce
corruption by office holders who steal from the public purse in order to
accumulate sufficient funds to campaign for reelection. Local government
authority chair positions too should be rotated Currently, in Abia State, some
Ngwa people are not happy because the governorship tended to be concentrated
around the Umuahia area. This is what led to the blockade of the Enugu/Port
Harcourt road during the Igbo Day celebrations by a group known as the Ukwu/Ngwa
League(Ujumadu, 2002, October 6). The Ijaws cannot afford to fight each other
for political control of Bayelsa.
(G). The Ijaws should also consider
the need to limit the terms of political office to only one term for
gubernatorial and local government positions. This will allow for an effective
management of the rotational system.
(H). To consolidate and maximize
political self-empowerment, the Ijaws should also think about possibly creating
a supreme traditional political ruler in Ijawland (the ibedaowi/ibedauere or
pere or amananabo or Ibedabo etc. of Ijawland). This position too could be
rotated among the existing traditional rulers. Normally, the Supreme Chief of
Ijawland would be selected among the clan heads from the Ijaw Council of
Traditional Rulers or Chiefs.
(I). The Ijaw National Congress and
the Ijaw Youth Council should never support any political candidate or
political party, especially in Bayelsa State. This is to ensure that all
candidates have equal opportunity to compete fairly. It is also intended to
make sure that these two great organizations are not mired in divisive internal
politics that could lead to disunity among the clans.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the overall Ijaw strategy
should be to continue to fight politically for resource control, political
responsibility, financial accountability, and democracy without fracturing the
ethnic group through extreme actions and self-hatred. The goal of political and
economic self-empowerment would be achieved if resource control is not obtained
through an aimless bloodbath. Flexibility is needed so that the Ijaws can
negotiate with any group or political bloc in Nigeria and internationally
without having to follow a rigid path that could lead to failures and
conflicts. The politics of protest should be replaced or supplemented by the
politics of positive action to achieve ethnic self-
empowerment.
Obviously, internal cohesion and consolidation and
leadership recruitment and enhancement are the most difficult goals to be
achieved. The success of the international, national, and regional goals depend
greatly on the achievement of the two critical goals. Unnecessary militancy must
be checked because such a situation could encourage the corrupt elements to work
with the outside forces to militarize Ijawland. If the Ijaws can put their act
together without tearing each other apart, then political and economic victories
can be achieved. Good leadership is needed to steer the ethnic boat toward
reaching its destination.
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