United Ijaw * Welcome to United Ijaw on the web. Our preference is national self determination, the independence of Ijawnation as a Sovereign State. A state that promotes sustainable economic and social development, democratic principles, liberty, free enterprise, equal rights and justice. This is our story, this is our struggle. **** On Kaiama Declaration We Stand **** United Nations Under Secretary-General, Dr. Antonio Maria Costa, in Abuja condemned the theft of Nigeria's assets by past corrupt leaders. He said that kleptomaniac leaders stole more than 400 billion dollars from the Nigerian treasury between 1960 and 1999. **** IJAWNATION THINK! THINK. **** Almost $170 billion of the country’s wealth disappeared and ended in the private accounts of individuals between 1999 and 2003 alone... Priye Torulagha ****Nigeria has failed Niger Delta – Nnamani **** Resource Control: Niger-Delta governors are traitors – Evah **** Only the fear of a volcanic social eruption from below can stop barbaric behaviour by holders of political power – Gani Fawehinmi ***** “ if the Confab and Nigerians are not willing to heed to Resource Control, they will take it by force” - Oronto Douglas We Dare To Be Different.
Population: 14,833,421
Govt to double crude oil supply to U.S.

Ijaw youths give Shell 7 days to shut flow station

Shell’s activities in the Niger Delta as reminiscent of the “apartheid framework.”

Obasanjo’s Last Chance to Save Nigeria

Posted Saturday, June 19, 2004
Nigerian Warlord Says Vote Fraud Fuels Conflict


A Nigerian warlord said on Saturday he took up arms to fight for control of the Niger delta's oil wealth because the government had thwarted peaceful change by stealing elections. Flanked by militia wearing charms and holding Kalashnikov assault rifles in a fishing camp close to the oil city Port Harcourt, Mujahid Dokubo-Asari said his group now controls three local councils in Rivers state, one of the main oil-producing states of southern Nigeria.

Nigeria is Africa's most populous country and its leading oil producer but its resource wealth has fueled political division, violence and corruption.

Asari, who recently stepped down as president of the ethno-political group the Ijaw Youth Council, has been declared a wanted man by the state for alleged "cult" activities, a local term for gangsterism.

But he says the government is trying to discredit the delta people's fight for a fair share of the region's huge oil wealth.

"I believe that the only path to self determination and resource control is the path followed by people in South Africa, in Chechnya, in Kosovo -- the path of armed struggle," he said in an interview with Reuters in a tin-roofed shack hidden in the mangrove forest.

Asari, who is based in the eastern side of the Delta's vast region of swamps and river channels, said he uses oil siphoned from pipelines to finance a huge arsenal, including rocket-propelled grenades, machine guns and "hundreds" of Kalashnikovs, and an army of 2,000 men.

"We will take our oil and whatever resources are available to us to sustain our struggle and we have no apology to anybody. We are not stealing it, it belongs to us. People are stealing our resources."


Asari, once a leading public figure in the Ijaw activist scene, said he was driven underground soon after the Ijaw Youth Council publicly rejected the April 2003 election result, which gave President Olusegun Obasanjo a second term and his PDP party a huge majority in Rivers state.

"Our people were disenfranchised. They were not allowed to vote," he said.

The State Department said the elections were "marred by serious irregularities and fraud."

Since the poll, Asari says he has been attacked several times by paramilitary groups supported by the government. State information commissioner Magnus Ngei Abe denied the state government gave any support to militia.

Then in early June, hundreds of army, air force and navy descended on Asari's stronghold at Buguma, near Port Harcourt, where about 20 were killed.

"The government is sponsoring a counter-revolutionary group to thwart the efforts of the popular movement," Asari said.

Asari is one of a long line of self-styled freedom fighters in the Niger delta, who have tapped popular discontent with the government's failure to provide basic services and relieve poverty despite the region's huge oil wealth.

Last year, thousands of Ijaw militants staged an uprising in the western part of the delta around the city of Warri in an attempt to win more political and economic power.

The fighting briefly forced oil companies to shut about 40 percent of the OPEC nation's oil output, until it was crushed by the deployment of about 5,000 troops who remain there today.


Asari said the electoral fraud and militarisation of the delta showed that the path of negotiation, pursued by many other Ijaw activists, had failed.

"It is only violence that brings tyrants to their senses because tyrants survive by violence."

Oronto Douglas, a leading Ijaw activist and human rights lawyer, said the rise of Asari was an indictment of government's policy toward the impoverished delta region.

"The rise of Asari is a clear manifestation of the government's refusal to adopt a dialogue of reason and respond to the needs of the local people," he said.

"But whether the mass of the people support Asari's decision to take up arms remains to be seen."

Oil companies blame criminal gangs for stealing between 50,000 and 100,000 barrels per day from the maze of pipelines criss-crossing the delta's mangrove swamps.

Asari said he was against taking oil workers hostage, but supported the closure of oil production in the delta.

The state government said Asari's political rhetoric was just a cover for a criminal engaged in turf wars over lucrative river routes used by oil smugglers to export stolen crude.

Asari says his army, known as the Niger Delta People's Volunteer Force, is clearly distinguished from criminal gangs.

Like many Niger delta activists before him, Asari questions the legality of the Nigerian state and wants a referendum of Niger delta people to decide it they want to opt out of the federation.

© 2004 Reuters

Ijaw youths give Shell 7 days to shut flow station

By Emma Amaize
Vanguard Wednesday, December 01, 2004

WARRI — IJAW youths, yesterday, gave the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) a seven-day ultimatum to shut down its Beniseide flow station at Ojobo community in Burutu Local Government Area of Delta State and evacuate all its staff or face a massive reprisal attack.

The order is against the spirit of the truce reached, last Wednesday, in Warri by representatives of the community and the SPDC at a peace meeting, brokered by the Delta State Government.

Tension had mounted in the community over the shooting of about 21 youths who were protesting an alleged marginalisation of the community in terms of contracts and employment by soldiers who were guarding the flow station about a fortnight ago.

The state government waded into the matter but while blaming the SPDC for breaking the terms of its Memorandum of Understanding with the community, it enjoined the community to create an enabling environment for the company to operate and provide jobs for them.

But the Ijaw Youths Collegiate Leadership in a statement, jointly signed by Messrs. Ebi Moni, Kennedy Orubebe and six others, said that the shooting of the youths was premeditated as the "youths notified the head of security to the flowstation, one Lieutenant Ibrahim of the Nigerian Army of their mission before they proceeded as well as the Ojobo community chairman."

They said that while the youths were waiting to be addressed on their request by the company personnel, Lt. Ibrahim whom they notified of their mission emerged from nowhere with a handful of other soldiers and opened fire on the youths, adding that a similar incident occurred early this year at the Opukushi flowstation, where security agents opened fire on youths who went to protest the company’s failure to keep to its side of the MOU.

According to the group, "all embassies and diplomatic missions whose nationals are retained in Rig 75 in Beniseide flowstation should recall their staff." The Ijaw youths also banned the contracting firm handling the operation for the SPDC, Parker Drilling a persona non grata in all Ijaw communities.


Senate begins probe of Shell over refusal to pay $1.5b compensation to Ijaw

Culled from Daily Independent Dec. 2, 2004

By Adetutu Folasade-Koyi and Paul Mumeh,
National Assembly Correspondents, Abuja

The battle line has been drawn between the Senate and Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Limited (SPDC) over its outright rejection of the National Assembly’s directive to pay $1.5 billion to Ijaw Aborigines.

 The Senate described Shell’s activities in the Niger Delta as reminiscent of the “apartheid framework.”

 Irked that the SPDC’s rejection of its resolutions in favour of the Ijaw Aborigines, the Senate said that since it is in possession of incontrovertible evidence implicating Shell in the Niger Delta, it would go ahead to conduct a full-scale investigation. 

Specifically, Senator John Kojo Brambaifa, Chairman, Committee on Niger Delta, disclosed that Shell’s activities constitutes a breach of the peace in the region, adding that its activities affects the livelihood of the people of the Niger Delta and the economy of Nigeria. The report, he said, would be “presented to the Senate for formal sanction for disobeying its resolution within the next few weeks.” 

But the SPDC rejected the resolution on the basis that it did not follow the due process of the law.

 On August 24, 2004, based on a petition by the Ijaw Aborigines of Bayelsa State against the SPDC, and upon a resolution of the National Assembly, Senate President Adolphus Wabara and Speaker Aminu Masari directed the SPDC to pay $1.5 billion as compensation on oil spillages and pollution.

Rather than comply, on November 11, 2004, Mr Basil Omiyi, Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of SPDC, in his capacity as Operator of the NNPC/Shell/Agip/Elf Joint Venture replied Chairmen of the Senate Committees on Niger Delta and Petroleum Resources (Upstream) that they have come to “a firm conclusion that the recommendations are totally unacceptable to SPDC and its JV partners.”

Omiyi stated in his letter that due process was not followed “as the panel did not give the SPDC an opportunity to be heard before arriving at its conclusions and recommendations. In consequence, SPDC is unable to accept a legislative resolution that is based on such a fundamentally flawed premise.”

An elaborate letter from SPDC’s legal counsel, O. C. J. Okocha (SAN), Managing Counsel in Okocha and Okocha Limited, which was addressed to Wabara and Masari followed on November 15. Okocha dismissed the petitioner as “an unknown organisation,” stating categorically, “they have found no legitimate basis whatsoever for the resolutions passed by the House of Representatives and the Senate.”

He also reiterated that the resolution passed by the National Assembly was “contrary to the due process of law as enunciated in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999. They are accordingly null and void and of no legal effect whatsoever. We reiterate that our clients say that they cannot accept or comply with the said resolutions. For the avoidance of doubt, we state that our clients have rejected the said Resolutions in their entirety, and so have they also rejected the demand contained in your letter under reference for their compliance with the same.” 

Addressing a joint press conference on Wednesday, Brambaifa, who is also Chairman of the Ad-hoc Senate Compliance Committee, in company of Senators James Manager and Inatimi Spiff described Shell’s rejection of its resolution as ‘arrogant’ and ‘provocative.’ 

He assured that the Niger Delta committee’s “investigation will be precise, thorough and pungent. In this regard, the committee will take a closer look at the circumstances that has led to the continuous closure of oil wells from Ogoniland, which has deprived the country from earning income for some decades. Also important in this exercise is the level of environmental degradation and pollution that have impacted on the lives of the people of the Niger Delta.

 “The committee will not hesitate to use its diplomatic channels to ensure that any member of Shell’s international board who participated in the crimes perpetrated by Shell in the Niger Delta in the last six decades will be identified, exposed and brought to book.”

Govt to double crude oil supply to U.S.
Guardian Newspapers Dec 6, 2004
From Madu Onuorah, (Washington D.C., U.S.A.)

FROM its current moderate level of seven per cent, Nigeria has announced an ambitious plan to raise its crude oil supplies to the United States (U.S.) to 15 per cent in the next few years. Nigeria is currently the fifth largest oil exporter to the U.S.

A U.S.-based international oil giant, Chevron-Texaco Overseas Petroleum has also announced plans to invest over $20 billion in the exploration and exploitation of oil and gas in Africa, especially in Nigeria and Gulf of Guinea.

President Olusegun Obasanjo made the disclosure at an evening in celebration of the working relationship between the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), and the Leon Sullivan Foundation, in Washington DC, U.S.A. at the weekend.

Towards this, according to the president, Nigeria aims to move from the present output of 2.5 million barrels per day (bpd) to four million bpd.

The Nigerian leader was honoured by the Sullivan Foundation for his "commitment to transparency, peacekeeping in Africa, (being the) architect of NEPAD and as spokesman for Africa."
He also told the cream of the African-American elite that the world should focus on issues of development in Africa, especially the Gulf of Guinea, because whatever happens in the region would automatically affect the world and the price of oil.
Also at the forum were the World Bank President, Mr. James Wolfensohn, and former Prime Minister of Canada, Mr. Joe Clark.

Obasanjo said that there is a lot to explore and exploit in Africa. Inviting international businessmen, especially Africans in Diaspora, to come and invest in Nigeria. "The development of Africa will impact on the development of the world. If all is well with Africa, it will impact on the development of America, Europe and Asia."
He continued: "There is a lot to explore and exploit about and in Africa. Where there is mutual advantage between those of us who are there in Africa and those of you who are here (in U.S.) to exploit, please exploit it, to our mutual advantage."
Obasanjo spoke further: "We are tackling the issues of security, stability and availability of supply of oil from the whole belt of Gulf of Guinea. I want us to provide 15 per cent of U.S. oil needs. We want to move from the present production of 2.5 million bpd to four million bpd."

Explaining the economic importance of the area, he said: "What we are trying to do in the Gulf of Guinea, which contains substantial amount of hydro-carbon, is important to the world. Whatever happens to the development of oil industry in Nigeria, not to talk of the Gulf of Guinea, is very important to the world. That is why through NEPAD, we are insisting that our development must be built on the pillars of peace, security, democracy and good governance. And if we have the four pillars working, your (U.S.) oil requirements is fully guaranteed".

For the U.S., the focus on the Gulf of Guinea for its oil needs is strategic, as there remain uncertainties in Saudi Arabia and Venezuela, which currently supply the U.S. with 17.8 per cent and 12.8 per cent of its oil needs.

The Gulf of Guinea currently holds about 10 per cent of the world's known oil reserves and is largely unexplored.

The President of Chevron-Texaco Overseas Petroleum, Mr. George Kirkland, said his company's $20 billion investment is aimed at showing the company's faith and stake in Africa's future.

Kirkland said that the push to invest in Nigeria would invariably impact on the rest of Africa. He said that with the policies being implemented, "Nigeria is an example of transparency and good governance in Africa. And your country (Nigeria) would continue to be a unifying factor in Africa. We are entering the new century and Africa needs to play a role. Africa's potential is too great not to play a role."

He continued: "What is needed is patience, persistence and perseverance. So, we need to encourage signs of growth, especially the success in African private-public sector partnership."

Kirkland continued: "We also note the constructive role energy can play in expanding Africa's growth and economic development. In that direction, we are to invest over $20 billion in Africa's growth in the next five years. We have faith in Africa's future. We all have a stake in its brighter future. And we must redouble our efforts to realise this future."
Chairman of the Leon Sullivan Foundation and former U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Andrew Young, asked all citizens of African descent to travel at least twice a year to the continent to contribute to its growth. Small businesses, he said, could grow out of their visits as new businesses catering to the needs of tourists could blossom from such trips.

According to him, "what we need to remind ourselves of is that Africa, as a partner in global economic development is an important strategic partner. And from the efforts of African leaders including the NEPAD initiative, Africa is ready to take its place in the global economy that includes all of God's children".

Obasanjo, who is the first African leader to meet with President George W. Bush since his re-election last month, also met the out-going U.S. Secretary of State, Colin Powel, the Congressional Black Caucus (black members of the U.S. Congress) and the U.S. Trade Representative, Ambassador Robert Zoellick.

© 2003 - 2004 @ Guardian Newspapers

Obasanjo’s Last Chance to Save Nigeria
Sepribo Lawson-Jack
Texas, USA

When in November 1884 European leaders, notably, from Great Britain, France, Germany, Belgium, Portugal and Spain gathered in Berlin to divide up Africa among themselves, stability or even survival of the countries being so created was not on the top of the agenda. Their primary concern, according to the History books, was to minimize competition among their surrogates and avoid an impending war over the control of Africa’s natural resources. It was an exercise in geometric acrobatics conducted with utter disregard for the ethnic, cultural and linguistic affinity of the African peoples. The resultant effect is what exists today: Africa’s ancient kingdoms, indigenous tribes and communities spread over several countries thereby exacerbating the task of forging viable modern nations. The partitioning of Africa at the Berlin conference has had the second most devastating impact on Africa’s development after Slavery.

In no African country are the challenges of nation building more real and magnified than Nigeria. With a mix of 250 ethnic groups, over 400 languages, multiple religions that include the two most antagonistic, and a growing population of 120 million, the country, arguably, is the most complex political entity on the face of the Earth. Not surprisingly, it has struggled every inch of the way toward nationhood. The obstacles seem insurmountable. Yet, Nigeria’s leaders continue in the uphill struggle to build one nation for reasons that are best known to them.

Of the myriad challenges that face Nigeria, the two most daunting are the age-long problem of protection for minority rights and, since the 1970s, a burgeoning corruption. These two problems have very serious ramifications throughout society and either one of them has the potential to terminate the existence of the country as we know it. The combination of the two ominously leads to one certainty, sooner rather than later.

Enter Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. The man has been abundantly blessed by the Almighty. God has granted him many more challenges and opportunities than most men. He himself has acknowledged that much on several occasions. That is not to say that he has no innate abilities. Chief Olusegun Obansanjo is an intelligent, brave, deliberate and reputedly foxy man. He was the man that received the instrument of surrender from the secessionist Republic of Biafra in January 1970. He was the man that reluctantly took over the reigns of power at Nigeria’s dark hour in February 1976 after the assassination of General Murtala Mohammed. In 1998, he was rescued from Yola prison to become president within a few short months. By the time he leaves office in 2007, Obasanjo would have ruled Nigeria for a total of eleven and a half years, longer than any other Nigerian. He is, in my book, the most influential leader in Nigeria’s forty- four years as a nation, more so than even the independence leaders.

Who, then, is more qualified to save Nigeria from an imminent balkanization?

As a former Co-chairman of the anti-corruption organization Transparency International, the president had made the fight against corruption one of the central goals of his first term in office as he so eloquently stated in his inaugural speech. Granted that he has since pushed the National Assembly to pass the Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Act and instituted several anti-corruption agencies, including the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC), the reality is that the fight against corruption is yet to yield any appreciable result. While there have been snippets of success, corruption is still a way of life for too many Nigerians, particularly, high government officials and political leaders. The Nigeria Police is still very much the most corrupt and inept police organizations in the world. We may not like what the world is telling us about ourselves, but it happens to be true that Nigeria is one of the most corrupt nations on Earth.

Clearly, combating the pandemic of corruption requires much more than institutional and legal tools. There needs to be a concurrent effort at social re-engineering geared toward re-orientating the public psyche to reject corruption in all of its forms. Such an effort, unlike previous ones, must start from the top. The president must be seen to be personally involved in the fight. He and his top government functionaries as well as National Assembly members must publicly wear a badge of honor that declares “I have won a battle against corruption today”. Otherwise, it would be useless preaching to the masses when the leaders are seen or perceived to be getting away with murder. Surely, the president understands that the fight against corruption is not an easy one but has to be won if Nigeria is to survive.

Being one of the most pluralistic and diverse countries in the world, Nigeria must seriously address the problem of ethnic and religious minority rights. More so, in view of the historical fact that it is a country of several nations and kingdoms clobbered together by Imperial fiat.

Whereas freedom of religion is guaranteed in the constitution, governments and civil society must put in place institutions and measures that protect and safeguard that freedom. The rights of Christians in the predominantly Muslim north must be equally protected as the rights of Moslems in the predominantly Christian south. Shari’a laws being adopted or practiced in some states can not be allowed to apply to non-Moslems or Moslems that do not subscribe to them.

Since the Obasanjo government came into power in May 1999, there have been an estimated 15,000 to 20,000 killings resulting from ethnic, religious or political crises. Several prominent politicians have been gunned down and the Nigeria Police has been demonstrably ineffectual in bringing their killers to justice. This is indicative of an unacceptably high level of violence in the society. Government can not continue to simply react to civil disturbances; a situation that has been described by some as the fire brigade approach. It must have measures in place to prevent such disturbances from occurring in the first place. The primary duty of government is to protect the lives and property of its citizens. No government that fails in that duty deserves to exist.

The lack of protection for ethnic minority rights poses the greatest danger to the corporate existence of Nigeria. This has been a major issue long before the country gained political independence from Britain.  Attempts to address it either through the creation of Special Areas as recommended by the Willink’s commission of 1958 or the creation of states starting from 1967 by the General Yakubu Gowon government have failed woefully. In the former case principally because of the desire to dominate by the majority tribes in the regional governments and in the later case because of the further concentration of economic and political power in the central government.

Over the years, the Middle Belt and the Niger Delta have been the flash points for agitation for the rights of ethnic minorities as exemplified by the Tiv riots of 1962-1965 and the rebellion of Isaac Adaka Boro and his Niger Delta Volunteer Force in 1965. The last two major failed military coups – Dimka’s in 1976 and Orka’s in 1990 - followed the same pattern for the same reasons.

It must be obvious to all by now that it has become untenable for the country to hold its balance any longer on the Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba and Ibo hegemonic tripod. Democracy is not just about the rule of the majority; it is even more about the protection of minority rights within that majority rule. Today, the pseudo-federal state of Nigeria is at crossroads.

The peoples of the Niger Delta continue to bear the full brunt of Nigeria’s lopsided federalism. Historically, this area had consisted of several independent city states and communities before British colonization. Their agitation for a separate country or region or state at the constitutional conferences led to the setting up of the Henry Willink commission in 1958 by the colonial government. In spite of British grand designs and economic interest, the commission recognized the peculiarity of the region and recommended specially focused developmental efforts there by both the Eastern Regional and Federal governments. That recommendation was never taken seriously. Instead, at the time of great national crises, the General Gowon government exploited the same recommendation as the basis for breaking up the Eastern Region into three states.

The discovery, exploration and exploitation of crude oil in the Niger Delta have greatly exacerbated the situation in the region. The activities of multinational oil companies have so polluted the water and land that the people can no longer engage in their traditional occupation of fishing and farming. There has been a countless number of oil spills amounting to millions of barrels and in many cases no attempts are made to clean up the spills. The unconscionable flaring of hydrocarbons over a period of forty years has so polluted the air that a vast number of children suffer from asthma and other air-borne diseases. An equally vast number of adults suffer from cataract and other eye diseases. After 40 years of oil exploration, not a single environmental remediation or restoration project has been established; not a single health project has been initiated to study the effects on the population.

Meanwhile, a conservative estimate puts the money Nigeria has earned from crude oil at more than 500 billion US dollars and over $120 billion in the last five years alone. Of this amount, not even $1 billion has been spent on infrastructural development in the region. The communities in the creeks and swamps of the Niger Delta are still as isolated as they were fifty years ago. There is no electricity or safe drinking water for 95 per cent of the population. There are no health clinics for the sick or employment for the youth. Foreign oil companies executives and employees live in enclaves where they enjoy all the modern amenities of Western Europe and America.

According to recent news reports, President Obasanjo was not happy when told by his own commission, the NDDC, that the poverty level in the Niger Delta has increased to 70 per cent. The president’s argument seems to be that the source of the statistic, the African Development Bank, had put the poverty level for the country at 42 per cent in 1992 and nothing tragic has happened since then to warrant the increase to 70 per cent. What the president has refused to accept is the growing disparity in poverty level between the Niger Delta and the rest of the country. Indeed, there is abject poverty in the Niger Delta. It is very unfortunate that the president ordered the NDDC to remove from its report the figure that was based on a study of the situation on the ground.

Now, when you put together the monumental environmental degradation and the glaring fact that the people have not benefited economically from the exploitation of crude oil from their land you might just begin to understand the despair and desperation in the Niger Delta. The people, by many measures, are living under some sort of internal colonization.

The prevailing conditions in the Niger Delta have inevitably led to a very precarious security situation for Nigeria. Anyone who sees it differently, is either dumb or in denial. There is a simmering mass rebellion. The intensity of the feeling of neglect and injustice is comparable to that felt by the Igbo after the massacres of 1966. The possibility of a determined and calculating individual exploiting this mass feeling of hurt to launch the region into a full scale war with Nigeria is very real. Alhaji Asari Dokubo may not be that leader but his emergence has clearly demonstrated the perniciousness of the situation.

But Nigeria must stop the situation from deteriorating any further. What we have in the Niger Delta is a national crisis and must be addressed as such. The political stakes are too high for the country to continue business as usual. If a war breaks out, the outcome will be totally unpredictable. Not for the reason that the region can withstand the Federal military might. But for the simple reason that a war over the control of oil and gas resources of the Niger Delta would be of great interest to both friends and foes of Nigeria around the world. 

As one of the principal actors in the last war, I pray that the president will do everything in his power to prevent another war in Nigeria. He can begin to move in that direction by talking to all stake holders in the Niger Delta region. Nothing can be off the table, including a national conference, resource control or even sovereignty for the region. The president must not elevate the task of “keeping Nigeria one” over and above his godly duty to serve the cause of justice. For in the end Nigeria shall break up if this large-scale injustice persists.

Here, then, is Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s last chance to save Nigeria

Sepribo Lawson-Jack, Texas - USA