Odi, Odiama, Ijaw Public Officials, and the Niger Delta: A Case of Misguided Loyalty

 By Priye S. Torulagha

Ijaw Public officials are in a class by themselves.  Their tendencies, motivations, orientations, political calculations, and behaviors are sometimes very strange or beyond the ordinary to the extent that people wonder in amazement about their roles in Ijaw society. In short, it is very difficult to typify or categorize or make any sense of the decisions that they make since they seem to dance to the tunes of different drummers, quite often, in contradiction to the tunes of the generality of the Ijaw public. 

By Public officials one means elected officials and decision-making high-level government employees at the national, state, and local levels. These would include governors, senators, representatives, directors, ministers, local government bosses, councilors, and professional secretaries in the ministries who make decisions.  Thus, public officials are differentiated from Public Figures. A public official can also be a public figure but a public figure does not necessarily have to be a public official.  For instance, Gov. D.S.P. Alamieyeseigha is a public official as well as a public figure but Chief E. K. Clark, Felix Tuodolo , Joseph Eva, and Patterson Ogon are public figures, not public officials. Mr. Oronto Douglas is both a public official and a public figure.  Important public officials are automatically public figures.

In any case, the actions and inactions of Ijaw public officials can be very puzzling.   At one end, they seem to know what they are doing and on the other end, they appear to be very disoriented in their intellectualization of policy goals and actions.  They tend to speak from both sides of their mouth, saying one thing to the Ijaw masses and another thing to the national power-wielders, in the hope of placating both, enhancing their self-interest, and positioning themselves for national positions.   At one end, they pretend to know the nature of Nigerian politics and at the other end, they seem to be unaware of the nature of Nigerian politics. They seem to be very trustful of national power-wielders and national institutions while not being very candid with  the Ijaw people. 

As a result of these contradictory behaviors, Ijaw public officials are, perhaps, the only group in Nigeria that is willing to openly wine and dine with the devil by inviting the Nigerian military to their communities to solve internal communal problems. Even the power-wielding groups in Nigeria, including the Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba, and the Igbo, who are the primary beneficiaries of the Nigerian system, are very wary of the Nigerian military and avoid inviting them to their communities to solve problems. Despite repeated massive killings in the North, Northern leaders have never willingly invited the security forces to maintain order in their communities. In fact, on New Year’s Eve of 2004, Nigeria's Taleban Sect invaded Kannama village near the border with Niger Republic. It destroyed government buildings, attacked police stations, killed a policemen, and abducted 30 men in the village (BBC News Africa, January 14, 2004).   The governor of the state did not call for an all out attack on Kannama in order to wipe out the Taleban.  Nigeria security forces responded by focusing entirely on the Taleban without destroying the entire Kannama.  Even during the heydays of Oduua Peoples Congress and ethnic killings in the South-West, Western leaders did not willingly invite the security forces to their communities to maintain order by punishing entire communities for crimes committed by the few.Despite the instability and violence caused by the Chief Uba/Dr. Ngige fiasco in Anambra State, Igbo leaders avoided inviting the security forces to invade their land. It should be noted that on November 10, 2004, unknown elements or political thugs ransacked Anambra State, destroying government properties and killing at least 27 persons. During the invasion, the Government Civic Centre, the Anambra Broadcasting Service headquarters, State Television house in Awada, the Onitsha North Local Government and Onitsha South Local Government Secretariates, the Ikenga Hotels and about 10 government vehicles were vandalized (Edike & Okoli, November 12, 2004).  In fact, despite the threat to the life of Governor Ngige and other public officials, the governor did not call for troop deployment in order to wipe out anybody

Yet, Ijaw public officials from a highly marginalized, deprived, and traumatized group, do not seem to have any qualms about seeking the services of Nigeria’s KILL and GO security forces to assist them in maintaining order and apprehending suspected killers. 

They tend to be very trustful and supportive of national agendas, regardless of the implications of such activities.  For instance, apart from calling in the combined security forces to Odioma, the Bayelsa governor also ordered the forces to destroy a traditional institution in the area when he said I instructed that when they came to Odioma the specific area I said should be destroyed was the shrine.  A shrine that takes blood canoot be allowed to exist in my state, (Oyadongha, March 1, 2005). Yes, it is indeed bad for any blood to be taken in the name of any religion but check the governor’s reaction in Ijawland compared to the Igbo reaction to the Okija Shrine in Igboland. Again, the Igbos were more careful in their statements concerning the Okija Shrine because they knew the political and religious implications that could follow in giving the military a blanket order to wipe out a tradition of the people.  Why is it so difficult for the Ijaw governor to think carefully of the implications of his actions, considering the fact that the Ijaws in particular and the Niger Delta in general are targets for oppression and exploitation?  Why does he acts like a dictator?   

In another instance, an Ijaw national public official, Dr. Abiye Sekibo, the Minister of Transportation, made a statement totally in support of  the national effort to dredge River Niger without careful analysis of why the Ijaws have consistently opposed the dredging of the lower part of the river (Amaize, January 21, 2005). Ministers from other ethnic groups, even though they are serving the nation, often consult with their own people before making statements. One could also recall that the Federal Minister of Police Affairs, an Ijaw, was one of the first national public officials to criticize Chief Odumegwu Ojukwu when Chief Ojukwu refused to respond to the invitation by the SSS. On the other hand, President Obasanjo did not say much about Ojukwu’s refusal. Likewise, the all-knowing Chief Tafa Balogun, the then Inspector general of Police, remained quiet. What was the Ijaw minister trying to prove?

Why is it that even though the Huasa-Fulani, Yoruba, and the Igbo are the national power-wielding groups, their public officials are very careful and diplomatic in their response to national situations? On the other hand, even though the Ijaws are higly deprieved and marginalzed, Ijaw public officials tend to speak without carefully thinking through the implications.   Perhaps, it can be said that the tendency of Ijaw public officials to support and trust national agendas and goals is partially responsible for the Ijaw lack of teeth in enforcing their goals and actions.   They betray themselves and enable the national power-wielders to use them against the will of their people. 

As a result of wining, dining, courting , and trusting the security forces, Ijaw communities have become arenas for military target practices. Hence, when the military go to Ijawland to apprehend suspects, they leveled entire communities with impunity. 

Are Ijaw public officials not aware of the dangers that the indigenes of Niger Delta face?  Are they not aware that there are two national policies in operation today, regarding the region. There is an official national policy pretentiously intended to treat every Nigerian equal. Then, there is a national policy intended to enhance the strategic interest of the power-wielders. The security forces stationed in the Niger Delta are assigned to fulfill and enhance the strategic interests of the power-wielders. Therefore, any invitation accorded to the security forces in the region provides a perfect opportunity for the power-wielders to operationalize their selfish interests. In order to neutralize resistance to oil exploration and exploitation, the power-wielders and the oil companies are determined to use maximum force to teach the indigenes a lesson by destroying their communities. In short, the Nigerian military is given a free hand to inflict as much pain as possible on the people of the region. Nnimo Bassey, the Director of ERA is right when he said: It appears the Nigerian military is systematically decimating the Niger Delta, (This Day, February 24, 2005). Thus, the military invitation to Odioama  by Gov. Alamieyeseigha provided a perfect opportunity for the military to execute the mandate of the power-wielders, by unleashing unbelievable terror on the innocent people of Odiama. The attack left about 100 people dead and 200 wounded (Ibid). 

After the destructive military escapade in Odiama, Governor Diepreye Alamieyeseigha of Bayelsa State (Oyadongha, February  24, 2005) officially accepted responsibility for the attack  when he said:

it is not every issue you sit down start negotiating, a government must also have capacity to deal decisively with an individual or community that kills their household we have.  We have used constitutional means severally in that axis to maintain law and order.  I have a contingent of mobile policemen in Nembe, Brass just to maintain peace in that area all as a result of oil royalties, nothing else, and the oil companies are part of the problem no responsible government will accept that and I authorized the military to go after the killers. When a crisis situation is beyond the regular police, one has no alternative thanto go straight by inviting the military. This is a localized operation to free thewaterways of those hoodlums and I tell you this in my honour that whoever is identified shall be exposed and dealt with accordingly. They are testing our resolve and it is not going to be tolerated, we have been managing them because they have not been too close now is too close for comfort.    

One reason why the indigenes of the Niger Delta are so restless is due to the almost strange behavior of their public officials. Throughout the oil-producing states, the so-called elected officials tend to behave as if they are not citizens of the region.  They behave as if they are agents of the power-wielders. They act as if they are not aware of the exploitative relationship between the Federal government of Nigeria and the oil companies  They pretend as if they are not aware that the security forces are stationed in the region to suppress their people so that oil can be pumped from their territory undisturbed. The situation is actually worst in Ijawland where public officials are not afraid to call in the security forces to solve internal communal problems by force. Odi and Odiama have been devastated, all in the name of attempting to apprehend troublemakers.  It is beyond imagination that since Chief DSP Alamieyeseigha became the governor of Bayelsa State, two Ijaw communities have been massively destroyed and hundreds of lives lost while others communities narrowly escaped massive destruction.

The implications are many and far reaching.

1.The governor joins President Olusegun Obasanjo in justifying the idea that an entire community could be punished for the crimes of the few. President Obasanjo initiated the precedent setting act when he ordered the army to attack and destroy Odi. Odi was immediately followed by Zaki Biam in Benue State. Thus, Nigeria is setting a very dangerous politico-legal precedent by justifying the punishment of an entire community for the crimes of the few, in the Niger Delta.  

2.  When Odiama and Odi  are compared in an analytical manner, the tactical picture becomes very clear.

a.   The picture being that high-level Bayelsan officials were in agreement with president Obasanjo for the attack and destruction of Odi in November 1999.  However, the officials, particularly the governor, did not want to come out openly to accept responsibility for partaking in the decision to destroy Odi.  In the Odiama case, the pretense for lack of knowledge is shed, thereby, revealing the official justification for launching an all out assault on the community.

b.  The attacks against Odi and Odiama followed the same tactical logic. The soldiers were given a green light to use overwhelming force and totally destroy their targets without mercy. 

c.  In both cases, the official reason given for the military assault being to apprehend armed youths who had killed.  However, instead of carrying out investigations and using police tactics to identify and arrest the culprits, the two communities were destroyed by military forces without any regard for innocent lives.

d.   Coincidentally, both cases involved the killing of 12 people. The Odi case involved  12 police victims and the Odiama case also involved12 victims, including four councillors. The similarities are so striking, thereby, compelling one to feel that the victims were purposely set up to meet their fate so that the authorities could use the incidents to justify annihilating the armed groups and score political points against those Ijaw communities that are resisting oil exploration in their backyards.

e.  It should be noted that in both Odi and Odiama, communal resistance to oil exploration was approaching a feverish point as the youths became daring in their opposition. For instance, in January, Odiama youths vowed not to allow the reopening of flow stations that are located in their territory over the nonimplementation of a Memorandum of Understanding which Shell Petroleum Development Company had signed with the Odiama community sometimes in 2001 (Oyadongha, January 12, 2005).     

f.  Despite the official justifications, it appears that the oil companies, federal and Bayelsan authorities, and the military worked together to decimate the two communities. The purpose being to communicate to the people of the Niger Delta the message that resistance is futile since the government would not hesitate to use maximum force to crush opposition. 

g.  In both case, it appears that money was exchanged. In particular, it seems that money had been passed along to the soldiers or some arrangements made so that they would unhesitatingly inflict maximum destruction on the two communities.

h.  There is no doubt that both Odi and Odiama were particularly chosen as strategic political targets to send a message to the people of the Niger Delta. 

3.  Increasingly, even though the Fourth Republic is theoretically regarded as a democracy, it tends to rely more on the armed forces rather than on the police to solve politically motivated crimes.  If it were in the past, after the killings at Odi and Odiama, police detectives would have investigated quietly and identify the culprits who murdered the 12 police officers and the 12 peacemakers. After painstakingly identifying their targets, the police would have attired themselves in civilian clothes, backed by armed units and arrest the suspects one by one without firing a shot.

One should recall that in the 1970s and 1980s, the police used to arrest even some of the most dangerous armed robbers without firing a shot.  During the two decades, entire communities were not destroyed just for the purpose of arresting individuals suspected of having committed murderous and violent crimes.   It is, therefore, ironic that under military regimes, police were used more often to solve crimes than in the present democratic dispensation in which the army seems to be the preferred choice of force for attempting to solve crimes, particularly crimes motivated by politics.

This development calls for further analysis. Why is it that those claiming to be democrats prefer to use the armed forces more to solve political crimes while the military during the military era preferred to use the police to investigate and solve crimes?  For instance, in the early 1970s, a violent armed robbery gang robbed a bank around Umumasi/Umukurushi in Port Harcourt. The police went undercover and spent months to unravel the case before arresting the suspects one by one without killing anyone. Likewise, throughout the duration in which Anini terrorized Bendel State, the military allowed the police to pursue the matter diligently until Anini was apprehended.  During that time, the military authorities did not order the army to go and destroy entire communities in order to have Anini and his boys arrested. Yet, the civilian rulers of Nigeria today, particularly in the Niger delta, do not seem to have the democratic stomach to pursue criminal misconduct with police investigative networks. Are contemporary public officials trying to intimidate the public so that the populace would not raise questions about their conduct?   Are they afraid that their secret deals are about to be exposed and put them in jeopardy? Why do they prefer to cure the symptoms rather than the sources of the problems. It is a well known secret that most armed groups in recent years were sponsored by political candidates.  If this is the case, why are public officials not going after those who sponsored the groups? Why go after the armed boys and ignore the political and business tycoons who sponsored the boys? 

4.  The governor's justification that the army/navy force was sent to Odioma to apprehend those who murdered 12 peacemakers is not convincing, therefore, is totally unacceptable, for the following reasons:

a.   If the intention was actually to apprehend the culprits, a fully mobilized force cannot do so successfully because its presence would be so obvious, thereby, compelling the culprits to disappear as soon as the force arrive the vicinity. It should be recalled that even after destroying Odi, the army was not able to arrest those responsible for murdering the 12 policemen.   In fact, the Odi boys were actually arrested later, after an investigative work.  Since Col Agbabiaka could not arrest the culprits after leveling Odi, it meant that Odi was sacrificed for other political reasons. Only President Obasanjo, Maj. Gen. Victor Malu (rtd.), Lt. Gen. Theophilus Danjuma (rtd.), the Defence Minister, and Gov. Alamieyeseigha can explain the reason why Odi was destroyed. Similarly, only President Obsanjo, the Army Chief of Staff, Gov. Alamieyesiegha, Brig. Gen. Elias Zamani, and the commander of the combined force can give the real reason for the merciless attack on Odioma.

b.   A fighting force is not trained to carry out an investigative work. A fighting force is trained to attack, destroy and kill, and not to arrest people.   Therefore, sending a force made up of the army , navy, and mobile police to Odiama can only be explained as a punitive measure to teach the community a lesson for interfering with SPDCs oil operations and not for the purpose of apprehending culprits. 

c.   Since a mobilized force is not equipped to carry out an investigative work, it presence in the community would be immediately interpreted as hostile, further polarizing the situation. This means that the armed groups would not just sit by and allow a force intended to apprehend them come to their neighborhood. The result would be a localized warfare, resulting in unnecessary destruction and killing. That is exactly what happened in Odiama.  If the Esenasawo armed group is fully armed, as the governor indicated, there is no way the members would just sit by in Odiama and allow themselves to be arrested. They would either fight it out or flee like guerrilla fighters and wait for their own time to fight back.

d.  The army and naval personnel knew that they were heading to a hostile environment. To save their own lives, they decided to rough up everyone, not discriminating between combatants and noncombatants. Consequently, only innocent people, who had nothing to do with the killing of the 12 peacemakers, died while the culprits disappeared from the scene.  

e.  After destroying Odiama and killing about 100 people, the culprits have still not been arrested. This means that Odiama was sacrificed for no justifiable reason, other than to accomplish a hidden political and economic agenda which includes the defanging or declawing of Ijaw and Niger Delta communities which have increasingly become proactive in stopping oil operations. It should be noted that the Odiama community was responsible for shutting down flow stations in their territory not too long ago.  Therefore, the military expedition was probably to punish them. The view that the  invasion was intended to defang and declaw Niger Delta communities should not be underestimated.  It should be recalled that Ugborodo citizens in Delta State were shot at when they protested and demanded a fair share for the use of their land recently.

f.  If the intention of the military operation was actually to arrest the culprits, the forces would have conducted a quiet investigation, using undercover military intelligence to penetrate the group and then apprehend them in locations that would have minimized civilian casualties.

The governor and the public officials who authorized the military operation need to explain further what was the actual reason for sending the fighting force. These Ijaw officials know that it is impossible for an army to penetrate Ijawland without serious resistance.  They also know that most of the soldiers stationed in the Niger Delta are not familiar with the terrain. They also know that most soldiers and policemen sent to the Niger Delta, particularly Ijawland, are very frightened of the riverine terrain since most cannot swim comfortably.The Ijaw officials know that most Nigerian soldiers are not trained for riverine operations. They should know this, remembering that during the civil war, it was mostly Ijaw, Ibibio, Efik, Itsekiri, Edo, ogojas, Yoruba etc boys who fought in the riverine areas of Nigeria.  Consequently, sending an army which is not properly trained to fight in a riverine terrain to go and arrest armed militants is to risk unnecessary bloodshed.

5.  For whatever reason, Ijawland seems to be the most preferred location for testing the politico-legal and military theory that it is justifiable to destroy an entire community for the crimes of the few.  There is no other place in the country in which this theory is being tested with much frequency. Unfortunately, Ijaw public officials seem to buy into the argument that it is proper to punish an entire community for the crimes of the few.  It is very puzzling, indeed, for an Ijaw public official to call the security forces for assistance in an intracommunal political matter.  Something is definitely not right with the entire picture. It should be noted that in late 2004, the Nigerian army carried out operations to wipe out elements of Taleban in the North-East corridor, around Kanuri land.  The operation was executed with extreme care in order to avoid civilian casualties. Yet, similar operations in the Niger Delta are executed with total disregard for civilian casualties. There is definitely a double standard.

6.  Apart from reckless infliction of death and destruction on innocent people, the Nigerian Government has adopted the strategy of humiliating the leaders of Niger Delta communities, especially in Ijawland.  For instance, whenever the security forces invade Ijaw communities, they make sure that the traditional leaders are either killed or humiliated. The pattern is repeated again at Odiama. 

7.  It is obvious that the political landscape in Ijawland is being poisoned, due to a very corrupting political system perpetrated by ambitious and greedy individuals. Ijawland in particular and the Niger Delta in general, could easily degenerate into chaos.    

8.The governor has said many times in the past that oil bunkerers and oil companies are partially responsible for arming youth groups and destabilizing local communities, For instance, on September 16, 2004, while presenting a paper titled: Niger Delta and Youth Restiveness: The Way Forward, Governor Alamieyeseigha stated unequivocably that in fact, the oil companies are a major hindrance to the attainment of good governance, environmental safety and healthy community relations. More than 70 per cent of the population in the Niger Delta live with an increasing out-migration to urban areas, which now stands at 5 per cent, whereas the rural populace lacks all forms of socio-economic amenities, high rates of urban population have compounded the general decline of services throughout the region.

As a result of the neglect by the Federal Government of Nigeria and oil companies in providing road infrastructure in the region, poverty and despair, unemployment and insecurity have become pervasive in the Niger Delta, (Ojeifo September 17, 2004).

During the speech, the governor:

 hit hard at the oil companies operating in the Niger Delta area, laying charges of human rights abuse and environmental degradation at their doorsteps, even as he he slammed the Federal Government for allegedly subjecting the people of the area to colonial servitude. 

 If the governor is keenly aware of the fact that oil companies are a major contributing factor, what political and legal steps has he taken to stop them from abusing the rights of the people of Bayelsa?  It is one thing to pinpoint the problem and another thing to take appropriate action to stop the problem. In other words, why are the oil companies and the bunkerers not punished for destabilizing the Niger Delta? If oil bunkerers and oil companies are partially responsible for destabilizing the political environment, why is it that it is always the ordinary people who have to suffer while the bunkerers and the oil companies go unpunished? By the way, in what manner has the massive attack and destruction of Odiama contributed to solving the problem of colonial servitude? In fact, the attack on Odiama has actually compounded the problem. Why is it that president Obasanjo, Brig. Gen. Elias Zamani of the Operation Restore Hope and Gov. Alamieyeseigha have not sent or ordered the arrest of oil company officials who destabilize the Niger Delta by instigating intracommunal and intercommunal violence? Why are the oil companies above the law?

In an attempt to explain their own side of the story concerning the devastating military attack on their community, the people of Odiama, as narrated by Chief Mathew Akono-Erise, alleged that Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) paid compensation for the use or exploration of Owukubu land, to Bassambiri community that falsely claimed Owukubu land, which belongs to the Odioma community, (Bassey, February 23, 2005). Chief Akono-Erise further alleged that the oil company awarded contract for the use of the land to the younger brother of the Speaker of Bayelsa House of Assembly, Mr. James Jesfer, without the knowledge of the people of Odiama who actually owned the land( Ibid.). Of course, this is merely an allegation. Moreover, it is one sided explanation of the Odiama fiasco. Nevertheless, if the allegations are supportable, then, it means that SPDC intentionally awarded the contract to the junior brother of the Bayelsa Speaker of the House in order to curry favor in the state. If this is the case, will anyone from SPDC pay  for destabilizing and sacrificing Odiama? Will Bayelsa State take a legal action to stop SPDC from further destabilization of Ijawland? Will Bayelsa State commission an investigative panel to probe the connection between SPDC and the Speaker of the House and other figures concerning the award of contracts? 

Although, it is merely an allegation, nonetheless, it is not too far from the truth, in the sense that oil companies have engaged in such blatant political triggery before. The payment of royalties to those who are politically connected rather than to those who actually own land is done in an attempt to avoid dealing with the communities. It is also done to gain easy access to land without paying appropriate compensation since the politically connected do not mind granting land rights very cheaply, as far as their own financial interests are taken care of by the oil companies.Thus, from the Odiama case, one can deduce that many public officials and public figures in the Niger Delta are in the pay of the oil companies. Hence, public officials in the oil-producing states have not been able to pursue resource control in a committed manner. This is why  the struggle for resource control has mostly been carried out by youth groups and non-governmental civil society figures. Regional public officials tend to dance in circles and engage in doublespeak in order to create the impression that they are on the side of the masses, while, in actuality, they are more on the side of the oil companies and the Federal Government.

9.  It is only in the Niger Delta where foreign companies are allowed to violate the laws with impunity.  It is only in the Niger Delta where national and regional public officials seem unwilling to enforce the law against foreign companies that are violating the law and jeopardizing the national security of the country.  On the other hand, both national and regional public officials have no hesitancy in authorizing security forces to unleash destruction on their own people for attempting to stop the nefarious activities of the oil companies.   Generally, anywhere in the world, when national and regional public officials team up to try to prevent citizens from resisting multinational companies, it means that they have formed a relationship with the multinational companies to exploit the people. 

9.  As armed youth groups continue to crop up, one cannot help but theorize that these groups are cropping up because the political system has woefully failed to deliver, thereby, leading to resentment and disregard for governmental authority.  When an increasing number of people develop hatred for governmental authority, it is always a sign that armed resistance would increase. Somalia, Uganda, Burundi, Sierra Leone, Liberia etc offer uncontested evidence that Ijawland can easily become a no mans land with various factions battling for political, military, and economic supremacy.

10.  It appears that Ijawland is gradually dividing into two fault lines. Elected and appointed public officials and those in government are on one side and the masses are on the other side. Public officials tend to think one way and the masses increasingly think another way. Ijaw public officials tend to think and behave like agents of the Federal Government and the oil companies while the masses think in the opposite direction. Public officials tend to exercise their political mandate recklessly and dictatorially in an effort to maximize their financial and political gains while the citizens feel neglected and abandoned. Public officials assume that they can use the national security resources of the country to sustain themselves in power and thwart any threat from the masses while the citizens are very distrustful of the national security resources. Ijaw public officials, like public officials in other parts of the country, in the failed PDP System, assume that they can get whatever they want at any time without paying any cost while the citizens feel desperate. In short, the people seem to be very distrustful of their public officials.

If the fault lines are not checked, there could be a clash some day between Ijaw armed youths and Ijaw public officials who do not seem to understand the suffering that the people are going through. One could recall that some Ijaw personalities who thought that they could get away with anything by sacrificing the interests of the people during the civil war were severely punished by the youths after the war.   

11.  It is indeed a very bad idea to attempt to stabilize any conflict situation in the Niger Delta by using security forces to maintain order. It is also a very bad idea to send an army to launch attacks against an entire community in an attempt to arrest culprits who have committed crimes. Odiama has been devastated and the culprits are still at large. So, what was the motive of the military operation?

Public officials who justify the destruction of Odiama should think very deeply about the implications of their actions.There are probably Odiama citizens in the army, just as there are Odi citizens. They will never forget who ordered the destruction of their communities. As a public official, if you order the armed forces to destroy a Niger Delta community, what happens when your own community is involved in a conflict. Do not be surprised when an official whose community was destroyed by you also authorizes the army to destroy your own community as a pay back for what you did to his/her own community.    

It should be recalled that after Odi was destroyed, Maj. Gen. Victor Malu, the Chief of Army Staff, justified the action and said that given the opportunity he would do it again. Well, barely a year later, his own community (Zaki Biam) was involved in a crisis and the army did to his own community what he had done to Odi. Therefore, those who have authorized the military invasion of Odiama should pray that their own communities are not entangled in dispute because the army could do the same to their own communities. 

12.  The governor continues to give mix signals over the Odiama fiasco. While apologizing for the disaster, he continues to blame the leaders of the community for harboring the militant youth group. A journalist reported:

He [governor] blamed the elders and chiefs of the community for allowing members of the dreaded Esenesawo (Teme) cult group to have usurped them of their responsibility thereby terrorizing the entire Nembe/Brass Island of the State (Oyadongha, March 1, 2005).

This line of thinking seems to be borrowed from President Obasanjo who blamed Odi leaders for allowing the armed youths to remain in the community. This is a very weak rationalization for lack of political sophistication in dealing with the complicated oil politics of Nigeria. How is it possible for unarmed civilians to disarm a heavily armed group which even the military forces are afraid of the governor expected the unarmed citizens of Odiama to drive the Esenesawo away from their midst. It is impossible any where in the world for unarmed civilians to disarm or drive away an armed group. If such is possible, the Colombian people would have driven away the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia(FARC), the Palestinians would have driven away Hamas, Islamic Jihad and the Fatah Movement, the Irish Catholics would have driven away the Irish Republican Army from their midst, and the Ugandans would have driven away or annihilated the Lord's Resistance Army. It is obvious that even governments find it exceedingly difficult to eradicate or drive away armed groups. If one could recollect, the governor himself stated that the military was called in to apprehend the militant group because the police could not do the job.  Journalist Oyadongha reported:

            Although armed policemen were initially drafted to the area, it was gathered that the state government was compelled too seek the assistance of the military in tracking down the suspects of the crime when it became obvious that there was little the police could do on account of sophisticated weapons in possession of the rampaging gunmen and the nature of the mangrove terrain. (February 22, 2005).

If the police could not do the job, how does he expect the people of Odiama to disarm the group?

Ijaw public officials and leaders need to be very careful in exercising political power because Ijawland is highly polarized. Moreover, Ijaw people have suffered too much and do not need their communities to be laid waste by unnecessary military action. Therefore, to minimize conflict, the Ijaws need to set up an effective conflict resolution mechanism that will try to mediate whenever communities are in disagreement over land or royalties.

The following might help:

1.  The Ijaws should setup a standardized procedure for dealing with the oil companies and communal feuds

1. Discourage individual effort at royalty collection by instituting an ethnic wide organization that would be able to negotiate with the oil companies. Whenever any Ijaw community has a disagreement with an oil company over contracts or royalties, the ethnic organization should take over the case and manage the negotiation to the satisfaction of both sides.
2. Any royalty payment or compensation should be put in a public account reserved for the citizens of affected community or communities. The entire process will be publicized so that the members of the community or communities know what is going on with their money.
3. The oil companies should be discouraged from negotiating with individuals or factions or those politically connected. They must follow the established procedure for negotiating and paying royalties.
4. Any oil company that violates the law or instigates intercommunal or intracommunal feud should be made to pay by either facing the law or barred from operating in Ijalwand, regardless of what Nigeria says. The Ogonis are very adept at making sure that no oil company operates in their land without their authorization.  The Ijaws need to adopt the same strategy. In fact, every Niger Delta ethnic group needs to adopt the Ogoni strategy, if the region is to achieve its goal.

2.  No federal agency or authority should be invited to resolve internal Ijaw matter. It is obvious, from its policies and actions that Nigeria does not wish the Ijaws well. The worst mistake any Ijaw official can make is to invite the armed forces into Ijawland. It is like a deer inviting a hungry lion into its abode. Governor Alamieyeseigha should have known better that Nigeria's armed forces cannot be trusted to judiciously execute an order without literally destroying an entire Ijaw community, after Odi, yet, he decided to tangle with them again at Odiama. It is amazing indeed!

3.  Whenever two communities are in dispute over oil royalties in a contested piece of land, they should be encouraged to share the revenue rather than fight over it. When two neighbors fight, they are both disadvantaged since distrust among them would prevent them from going back and forth. For instance, due to the intracommunal dispute between the people of Bassambiri and Odioma, both people cannot freely use the waterways, for now.

4.  The members of any constituted conflict resolution committee or team should always be selected from highly respected members of the three geographical zones. No member should be a public official or connected to the political system or remotely connected to the issue at hand.    

If one carefully examines the case of the murdered four councilors, there is a feeling that the councilors were politically connected in some way to the dispute involving Odiama and Bassambiri. If not, being councilors, they could have been viewed by the killers as part of the corrupt political machine that has been responsible for subjugating the people, hence, the attack on them. This is not a far fetched possibility. It should be recalled that the reason why the Odi boys attacked the 12 policemen sent to Odi was because they viewed the policemen as being part of the plot to deprive the Ijaws the right to fight back in Lagos. The head of the police team sent to Odi was once involved in operations against Ijaw youths, therefore, his presence at Odi was immediately held with suspicion.

After the Odiama disaster, one would say that the Ijaw people need to be more careful about the kinds of people they choose as their political leaders and public officials.

Ijaw public officials are doing a great disservice to the Ijawnation by clandestinely aligning with the national power-wielders to inflict destruction on the people. The Ijaw nation cannot move forward if the people keep choosing leaders who are not truly committed to the cause of emancipation.

Indeed, if Nigeria were truly a democratic nation, the Bayelsan governor would have by now, seriously think about resigning, after making a number of serious mistakes, including Odi, NDU, Bayelsa State House of Assembly fire, frequent oversea trips, financial accountability, Odiama, lack of effort to make the oil companies face the law, etc.   Of course, Nigeria, under the PDP system, is very authoritarian, hence, democratic principles are not followed.   One wonders about the political sophistication of the governor’s advisers. He needs a more competent crop of advisers and not yes men and women who only care about their own jobs.

Odiama people should not be afraid to take the case to the courts and sue Bayelsa State, the governor, Brig. Gen. Elias Zamani, Operation Restore Hope, the field commander, Nigeria, and SPDC for aggression and serious Human Rights abuse. The Odioma people must record the destruction on video and pictures for historical documentation.   They should also invite officials of the United Nations, African Union, ECOWAS, Britain, and the United States of America to see things for themselves.

For the time being, detractors are laughing at the Ijaws for shortsightedness. The detractors could easily say, let these foolish Ijaw people destroy themselves and after they finish destroying themselves, we will go in and take the oil at any time we want. Foolish People!

References 

Amaize, E. (January 21, 2005).  Clark carpets Transport Minister on River Niger dredging. Vanguard. http://www.vanguardngr.com,articles/2002/niger_delta/nd121012005.html.  1/21/05. 

BBC News (January 14, 2004).  Tracking down Nigerias Taleban sect.  http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/3393963.stm.  3/3/05. 

Bassey, O. (February 23, 2005).  30 feared dead in Bayelsa community invasion. This Day http://www.thisdayonline.com/nview.php?id=10201.  2/23/05.

Edike, T. & Okoli, A. (November 12, 2004).  Govt House razed as 27 die in Anambra horror *Obasanjo holds emergency security meeting.  Vanguard http://www.vanguardngr.com/articles/2002/headline/f12112004.html.  11/12/04.

This day (February 24, 2005).  Group condemns Odioama killings.  http://www.thisday.online.com/nview.php?id=10372. 2/25/05.

Onyadongha, S. (January 12, 2005).  Odioma youths vow to resist reopening of shut flowstation.  Vanguard  http://www.vanguardngr.com/articles/2002/niger_delta/nd412012005.html. 1/12/05. 

________ (February 22, 2005).  Troops reduce Bayelsa community to rubbles. Vanguard.

http://www.vanguardngr.com/articles/2002/cover/february2005/22022005/f22202205.html. 2/22/05.

________(February 24, 2005).  Almieyeseigha defends military invasion of Odiama. Vanguard http://www.vanguardngr.com/articles/2002/niger_delta/nd124022005.html. 2/24/05.

________ (March 1, 2005).  Alamieyeseigha regrets Odiama invasion. Vanguard

http://www.vanguardngr.com/articles/2002/niger_delta/nd401032005.  3/12005.

More Than A Case of Misguided Loyalty

With this commentary, I am joining issues with Dr. Priye Torulagha in the matter of Gov. D.S.P. Alamieyeseigha versus the people of Odioma. The killings, maiming, and the wanton destruction of property and heritage that took place in Odioma is not just a case of misguided loyalty -- it was also a case of misguided and failed leadership on the part of the state governor.

Would the governor have sent military and security personnel to destroy the birthplace of his own father and or mother? Would the governor have sent in goons and henchmen to destroy the birthplace of his ancestors? He did to the people of Odioma what he would never do to his own village. He did to Ijawland what the Yorubas and the Hausas would never do to their own land.

Governor Alamieyeseigha is drunk with power. He is misguided. This is a man who runs the state as if the state is his personal property. Knowing his government lacks legitimacy, he rules by employing coercive instrument of state and other illegal survival strategies to stay afloat. Knowing his government lacks legitimacy; he employ hegemonial exchanges and engages in distributive politics.

Beyond his wildest dreams, he finds himself in power. Beyond his wildest imagination, he finds himself atop the state polity. This was an ordinary soldier who found himself in the corridor of power. And now drunk with power and lacking imagination, vision, strength of character, and other leadership qualities -- he is running amok! In a way, he is not to be blamed. Really, he is not to be blamed.

If a tiny segment of the Ijaw populace and a group of corrupt Ijaw elite had not rigged the system, Alamieyeseigha would not have been in power flashing his teeth, beating his cheat, raising his fist and marauding and committing all sorts of illegalities as some emperors are wont to do.

It is a shame, a shame and a crime on the part of DSP to send troops to kill, maim and destroy his own people. In more civilized societies he will be arrested and tried for crimes against humanity. And in less civilized societies, such a man would have buried his head in shame or brought before the village square and have his buttocks whipped!

But you know: when it is all said and done, I wont blame him. I blame the country that produced such characters. Sadly, he is not alone in Ijawland. There are dozens and dozens of DSPs; and in some cases, worse than Emperor Alamieyeseigha.

The lesson in all these is for the Ijaw people to never again elect such a man. Ijaws must never again allow such people into the corridors of power and influence. Such men and women shame us. Such men and women stunt our collective growth and prosperity. Think of it: who in his right mind would send violence-happy troops to destroy his own land, kill his own people and desecrate local shrine?

What calamity. What shame. What abomination. What imbecility. Ha, only in Ijawland would such transgression and wickedness take place. What Alamieyeseigha did and or asked his proxy to do is a crime: crime against Ijawland and against humanity. He should know that 2007 is just around the corner.

Sabella O. Abidde